LIBRARY 

OF   T1IK 

OF  CALIFORNIA 


Receded 
4  c  cessions  ATo  . 


•83 


THOUGHTS 
UPON      GOVERNMENT 


ARTHUR   HELPS'S   WRITINGS. 


REALMAH.    A  novel 82. oc 

CASIMIR  MAREMMA.     A  novel 2.00 

COMPANIONS  OF  MY  SOLITUDE 1.50 

ESSAYS  WRITTEN  IN  THE  INTERVALS  OF  BUSINESS.  1.50 

BREVIA  :  Short  Essays  and  Aphorisms 1.50 

CONVERSATIONS  ON  WAR  AND  GENERAL  CULTURE    .  1.50 

THOUGHTS  UPON  GOVERNMENT 2.25 

IVAN  DE  BIRON.    A  novel 2.25 

BRASSEY'S  LIFE  AND  LABORS 2.50 

SOCIAL  PRESSURE 2.25 

ROBERTS    BROTHERS, 

BOSTON. 


THOUGHTS 


UPON    GOVERNMENT 


BY 


ARTHUR     HELPS 


UNIVEESITY 


BOSTON: 
ROBERTS     BROTHERS. 

1875. 


CAMBRIDGE: 
PRESS WUllK  BY  JOHN  WILSON  AND  SON. 


DEDICATION. 


DEAR  LORD  DERBY, 

I  dedicate  this  Work  to  you. 

We  have  long  been  friends,  and  in  former  days  we  were 
sometimes  associates  in  work. 

I  have,  however,  another  motive,  independently  of 
friendship  or  of  association  in  by-gone  labours,  for 
dedicating  this  Work  to  you. 

I  do  so  mainly  because  I  do  not  know  of  any  states- 
man of  the  present  day  who  will  be  more  inclined  to 
appreciate  whatever  truth  and  force  there  may  be,  in  that 
chapter  of  the  Work  which  sets  forth  the  large  and  fre- 
quent opportunities  for  judicious  action,  in  political 
affairs,  which  belong  to  the  Improver,  in  contrast  to  the 
Reformer. 

I  believe  that  you  will  thoroughly  sympathize  with  my 
views  on  this  subject ;  and  that  you  will  agree  with  me  in 
thinking  that,  without  ignoring  the  largest  and  deepest 
political  questions,  more  of  the  social  well-being  of  the 
people  may  be  made  to  depend  upon  improvement,  in 


VI  DEDICATION. 

the  matters  which  I  have  alluded  to,  than  even  in  what 
are  called  great  reforms. 

If  this  Work  should  find  some  favour  with  men  like 
yourself,  but  not  otherwise,  I  propose  to  give  a  Second 
Series  of  'Thoughts  upon  Government,'  which  I  have 
already  prepared  in  part,  and  which  Series  will  deal  with 
the  action  of  Government  in  such  matters  as  Emigration, 
Education,  Recreation,  Sanitary  Improvement,  War,  and 
the  Preparation  for  War. 

Subsequently  to  this  work  going  to  press,  it  has  been 
suggested  to  me,  that  possibly  there  may  be  some 
misconception  in  regard  to  what  I  have  written  about 
honours.  It  was  written  upon  a  general  survey  of  the 
subject,  extending  over  many  years.  I  did  not  mean 
to  contend,  that  honours  had  not  often  been  most 
worthily  conferred  upon  deserving  men,  in  this  and 
other  countries ;  but  that  there  were  many  grievous 
faults,  both  of  omission  and  commission;  and  that  the 
whole  subject  did  not  appear  to  me  to  have  met  with 
due  consideration  from  modern  governments. 

I  remain, 

Very*  faithfully,  yours, 

ARTHUR  HELP& 
LONDON  :  November  1871. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  PAG1* 

I.     INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS i 

II.    THE    FITNESS  OF    THE    BRITISH    PEOPLE    FOR 

GOOD  GOVERNMENT     ,        ....        8 

III.  GOVERNMENT  NOT  LESS,  BUT  MORE  WANTED  AS 

CIVILIZATION    ADVANCES. — PATERNAL    GO- 
VERNMENT     19 

IV.  LEGISLATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION  ...      35 

V.     THE  RELATION  BETWEEN  THE  POLITICAL  AND 

PERMANENT  OFFICERS  OF  STATE.        .        .      48 

VI.     LOCAL  GOVERNMENT  .        .        .        .        .        .51 

VII.     ON  ATTRACTING  ABLE  MEN  TO  THE  SERVICE 

OF  GOVERNMENT 61 

VIII.    THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  HONOURS       ...      83 

IX      COUNCILS,   COMMISSIONS,  BOARDS,  AND  OTHER 

SIMILAR  AIDS  TO  GOVERNMENT  ...      96 


Vlil  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  PACK 

X.  THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN.        .     109 

XI.  ORGANIZATION    .......     115 

XII.  ON  FORESIGHT  IN  GOVERNMENT       .        .        .125 

XIII.  THE  EDUCATION  OF  A  STATESMAN    .        .        .133 

XIV.  THE  EDUCATION  OF  A  STATESMAN  (cont.)  .        .     142 
XV.  ON  IMPROVEMENT,  IN  CONTRAST  WITH  REFORM  .     152 

XVI.  THE  WANT  OF  TIME  FOR  STATESMANSHIP       .     161 

XVII.  GOVERNMENT  AND  THE  PRESS  .        .        .        .171 

XVIII.  ECONOMY  IN  GOVERNMENT        .        .        .       .177 

XIX.  DIPLOMACY         .......     ^g 

XX.  ON  THE  CONDUCT  OF  BUSINESS        .        .        .198 

XXI.  IN    WHAT    THE   PROSPERITY    OF    A    NATION 

CONSISTS          ......  212 

> 

APPENDIX  ..........    233 


INDEX 


THOUGHTS 


UPON 


I 


GOVERNMENT. 


CHAPTER   I. 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS. 


THINK,   that   there   are   few   studies,    CHAP. 

which   would  conduce  more   to  human  • — ' 

happiness,  than  a  thorough  consideration  of 
Government — of  its  duties,  its  powers,  its  pri- 
vileges, and  especially  of  the  limits  which 
should  be  assigned  to  its  interference.  Much  Functions 

of  govern- 
more  is  dependent  upon  government  than  at  mem. 

first  sight  appears.  Its  functions  do  not 
merely  include  peace  and  war,  the  maintenance 
of  justice  and  the  regulations  of  police;  but 
they  relate  to  material  well-being  of  all  kinds. 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS. 


And,  what  is  perhaps  of  even  greater  import- 
ance, the  advancement  of  Art,  Science,  and 
Literature  depends,  much  more  than  is  gene- 
rally imagined,  upon  the  functions  of  govern- 
ment being  well-defined,  well-directed,  and 
judiciously  exercised. 

It  is  also  to  be  observed,  that  that  invalu- 
able part  of  the  education  of  grown-up  people, 
which  is   evoked  by  political    action,  should 
be   adequately   maintained,  and,   if  possible, 
Aid  to       continually  extended.     Everybody  should  be 

govern- 
ment the     made  to  aid  in  government. 

duty  of 

a11-  It  is  universally  admitted  that  we  live  in 

an  age  of  rapid  transition.  New  modes  of 
thought  have  arisen  amongst  us  ;  new  elements 
of  political  force  have  been  developed ;  new 
branches  of  science  are  playing  a  very  signifi- 

ruiiticai     cant   part   in    human  affairs.     Take  political 

economy. 

economy,  for  instance — a  science  so  recent, 
that  there  are  many  persons  who  may  almost 
remember  its  introduction ;  that  is,  its  in- 
troduction into  England,  for  the  great 
Italian  writers  already  had  considered  the 
principal  subjects  of  political  economy,  which 
were,  for  the  most  part,  new  to  us.  We 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS.  3. 


owe  much  to  political  economy ;  but  I  do  not 
hesitate  to  say,  that  there  has  been  a  certain 
presumptuousness  attending  its  introduction 
— that  presumptuousness  which  belongs  to 
everything  that  is  young — which  requires  to 
be  noted,  and  made  allowance  for,  when  we 
endeavour  to  reconcile  what  may  be  well 
called  the  dictates  of  political  economy,  with 
the  functions  of  civil  government 

I  am  now  going  to  speak  somewhat  egotis- 
tically ;  but  what  I  shall  say  is  not  meant  to 
be  egotistical,  but  merely  explanatory,  with 
the  view  of  bringing  myself  and  my  readers 
into  closer  contact,  and  conducing  to  our 
harmony  and  understanding.  I  sincerely  Author's 

*    claims  to 

think  I  have  some  especial  claims  to  be  heard  be  heard« 
upon  questions  relating  to  government  I 
entered  the  public  service  immediately  after 
leaving  the  university  ;  I  held,  in  succession, 
several  offices,  which  ought  to  have  given 
an  observant  man  great  opportunities  of  re- 
marking the  conduct  of  business  in  various 
Departments.  When  I  ceased  to  be  actively 
employed  in  the  public  service,  I  was 
frequently  still  obliged  to  entertain  grave 


B  2 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS. 


questions  relating  to  government — being 
honoured,  from  time  to  time,  by  having 
such  questions  sent  to  me  for  consideration. 
I  have  since  re-entered  official  life,  and  held 
an  office  which,  from  its  nature,  compels  its 
holder  to  have  some  insight  into  the  working 
of  all  the  Offices  under  the  Crown.  I  should 
be,  therefore,  a  very  inconclusive  person,  if  I 
had  not  come  to  some  definite  ideas  upon 
the  general  question  of  government 

I  have,  however,  one  strong  reason  for 
dwelling  on  these  circumstances,  which  affects 
myself.  It  is,  that  if,  in  the  course  of  this 
work,  I  should  speak  sometimes  authori- 
tatively, it  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  any 
assumption  of  authority.  It  is  often  im- 
possible to  give  all  the  reasons  for  a  con- 
elusion.  One's  experience  does  not  alwavs 

ence  not  • 

Embodied  emk°dy  itself  in  the  form  of  reasoning.  A 
^octor  cannot  always  tell  you  why  he  has 
come  to  certain  conclusions  about  a  patient's 
case.  There  are  subtleties  of  observation 
which  do  not  readily  take  a  precise  and  logi- 
cal form;  but  which,  nevertheless,  are  well 
founded,  and  are  often  of  extreme  significance. 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS. 


Then  again,  I  have  mentioned  these  circum-    CHAP. 
stances,  because,  as  I  mean  to  be  brief  in  the  ^ — • — 
exposition  of  my  views,  I  would  ask  my  readers 
occasionally  to  give  credit  to  my  experience, 
and  to  believe  that,  in  some   cases,    I   have 
reasons  which,  for  the  sake  of  brevity,  I  do 
not  put  forward. 

Above  all  things,  I  am  anxious  to  take  my  Readers 

to  be 

readers  into  council  with  me.     I  do  not  sup-  taken  into 

council. 

pose  that  any  man  (certainly  not  this  writer), 
can  be  absolutely  right  in  the  views  that  he 
brings  forward.  Nothing  is  more  odious  to 
me  than  dogmatism,  in  matters  which  admit 
of  much  discussion,  and  in  which  vast  numbers 
of  people  are  interested.  I  would  even  have 
my  readers  remember  that  I  am  an  official 
man,  and  may  have  all  the  prejudices  belong- 
ing to  my  calling. 

In  this  introductory  chapter,   I  also  think  Conclu- 
sions 
it  right  to  mention  that,  though  many  of  the  mostly 

conclusions  which  I  come  to  are  of  a  general  the  Britisk 

Govern- 

nature,  and  would  apply  to  the  government  ment- 
of  other  nations,  it  is  the  Government  of  Great 
Britain,  and  her  dependencies,  which  is  mainly 
in  my  mind  ;  and,  only  in  respect  of  it  should 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS. 


CHAP.     I  pretend  to  have  the  experience  which  would 
v — • — •  justify  me  in  writing,  in  detail,  upon  this  diffi- 
cult subject. 

Moreover,  whatever  I  shall  say  about  go- 
vernment is  to  be  considered  as  independent 
of  the  form  of  government.  I  do  not  go  the 
length  of  Pope's  saying — 

For  forms  of  Government  let  fools  contest — 
Whate'er  is  best  administer'd  is  best ; 

Opinion      for    I    rather    partake    of    the    opinion    of 

of  George 

in.  about   George  III.  (not  altogether  an  unprejudiced, 
Constitu-     observer),  that  the  British  Constitution  is  the 

tion. 

best  that  has  yet  been  devised  by  man.  But 
I  admit  that,  both  in  ancient  and  modern 
times,  there  have  been  other  forms  of  govern- 
ment, which  have  fulfilled  much  of  what  I 
think  admirable  in  a  governing  power.  I 
merely  wish  my  readers  to  remember,  that 
this  work  is  written  by  one  who  has  lived 
under  a  constitutional  monarchy ;  has  been 
satisfied  with  that  form  of  government ;  and 
has  it  chiefly  in  mind  when  he  is  discussing 
governmental  questions. 

Having  now,  as  I  hope,  put  myself  upon  an 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS. 


amicable  footing  with  my  readers,  and  espe- 
cially begging  them  to  consider,  that  I  do  not 
desire  to  impose  upon  them  my  views,  but,  Author's 

views  sug- 

on  the  contrary,  would  urge  them  to  regard  gestive 

rather 

all  that  I  say  as  suggestive  rather  than  con-  than  con- 
clusive. 

elusive,  I  will,  at  once,  commence  the  treat- 
ment of  the  subject 


British 
people 
easy  to 
govern. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE   FITNESS    OF    THE    BRITISH  PEOPLE 
FOR   GOOD   GOVERNMENT. 

"T~  DO  not  think  that  it  is  too  boastful  to  say, 
-*-  that  the  British  people,  and  our  near  rela- 
tions in  America  and  the  colonies,  are  the  most 
governable  people  on  the  face  of  the  Earth.  . 
It  may  seem  arrogant  to  enumerate  our  good 
qualities  in  this  respect,  but  I  think  it  must 
be  admitted  by  other  nations,  that  the  British  • 
are  not  given  to  ferocity ;  that  we  are  singu- 
larly averse  to  pushing  any  conclusion  to 
its  extreme ;  that  we  are  very  conservative ; 
and  that  we  abhor  superlatives  of  any  kind, 
in  language,  in  conduct,  and  in  controversy. 
I  should  hardly  venture  to  say  all  these  fine 
things  of  ourselves,  if  history  did  not  amply 
confirm  the  statement. 

Consider  our  two  great  revolutions ;  and  it 
is  in  revolution,  that  the  nature  of  a  people  is 


» 
FITNESS  FOR  GOOD  GOVERNMENT. 

most  tried.     How  dignified,  for  the  most  part, 
was  our  conduct  in  these  crises  !     They  ex- 
hibit a  certain  magnanimity,  of  which  every  British 
British  reader  must  be  proud.     Whether  he  in  their 

i  •  •  t      s~*          f         revolu- 

is  still  an  ardent  sympathizer  with  Cavalier  tions. 
or  Roundhead ;  whether  he  is  a  devoted 
partizan  of  James  II.  qf  of  William  III. ;  he 
cannot  but  respect  the  other  side,  if  he  reads 
history  in  any  spirit  of  fairness.  Our  great 
historical  novelist,  Sir  Walter  Scott,  a  man  by 
no  means  free  from  the  feelings  of  partizanship, 
nevertheless,  being  essentially  a  just  man, 
always  does  ample  justice  to  the  other  side  ; 
and  the  feelings  of  his  readers  go  with  him. 

Nay,  more  :  in   rebellions,  as  well    as    in  And  even 
revolutions,    the   governable    nature   of    the  lions. 
British  people  has  not  been  less  manifested. 
Anyone,  who  will   carefully  investigate   the 
rebellions  of  Wat  Tyler  and  Jack  Cade,  will, 
I  believe,  be  constrained  to  come  to  a  similar 
conclusion  to  that  which  has  impressed  itself 
on  my  mind,  in  reference  to  these  rebellions. 
In  short,  we  are  the  most  cautious  people  in  British 
the  world;  if  we  are  to  be  judged  by  the  limits 
which  we  place  to  political  action  of  all  kinds. 


caution. 


10  THE  FITNESS   OF  THE  BRITISH 

The  foregoing  assertion  might  be  illustrated 
in  several  ways.  I  prefer  adopting  one  illus- 
tration, and  endeavouring  to  work  that  out 
thoroughly  ;  not  presuming  to  say  that  it  is 
the  best,  but  it  is  the  bne  that  has  always 
struck  me  the  most. 
Habit  of  It  is  the  mode  in  which  everything  is 
ultimately  settled  in  Great  Britain  by  the 


majority.  In  the  Apology  which  Plato  gives 
us,  as  the  speech  of  Socrates  before  his 
judges,  there  is  this  remarkable  passage  :  c  Do 
not  be  vexed  with  me  for  telling  you  the 

Plato's       truth.      There   lives    not  the  man  who  can 
Apology  ,  .       .r 

escape  destruction  if,  as  a  born  antagonist, 

he  opposes  you,  or  any  other  popular  major- 
ity, and  endeavours  to  prevent  many  unjust 
and  unconstitutional  things  being  done  in  the 
State  ;  but  it  is  necessary  that  he  who  will 
fight  this  battle  for  what  is  righteous,  and  yet, 
even  for  never  so  short  a  time,  keep  himself 
unharmed,  must  maintain  the  privacy  of 
an  individual,  and  take  no  part  in  public 
affairs.' 

Now,  in  Great  Britain  there  is  no  such  fear 
for   anyone.     A  man  may  be  in  a  minority 


PEOPLE  FOR   GOOD  GOVERNMENT.  II 

of  one ;  and  amongst  so  independent,  and  so 
original  a  people  as  the  British,  there  are  many 
persons  who  rather  like  to  find  themselves  in 
a  minority  of  one.     That  one  may  be  in  some  Minorities 
danger  of  ridicule,  but  not  in  any  peril  from  pressed  in 
persecution.     Without,  however,   taking  this  Britain. 
extreme  case,  it  may  be  observed  how  excel- 
lent is  the  conduct  of  both  majority  and  mi- 
nority when  once  the  question  in  dispute  has 
been  put   to    the   vote.       It  is   not   by  any 
means  taken  for  granted,  by  either  majority  or 
minority,  that  the  question  is  finally  settled. 
But   it   is  settled  for  a  time.     Each  party, 
as  a  general  rule,  behaves  handsomely  to  the 
other.      The  majority  is  seldom   offensively  Conduct 

of  majori- 

triumphant :    the  minority   offensively   recal-  ties  and 

minorities. 

citrant.  Sometimes,  of  course,  when  party- 
spirit  runs  very  high  as  regards  the  matter  at 
issue,  there  are  a  few  noisy  persons  who 
make  a  demonstration.  But  the  wiser  men, 
on  each  side,  gather  up  their  strength  for 
future  contests  ;  or  if  the  matter  is  one  which 
has  been  carefully  canvassed  and  long  de- 
bated, the  beaten  party  makes  up  its  mind  to  . 
accept  the  new  condition  of  things ;  and  re- 


12  THE  FITNESS  OF  THE  BRITISH 

CHAP,     solves  to  see  how  it  can  best  adapt  itself  to 

ii. 
-  —  •  —  '  them,  and  work  out  its  own  ulterior  views 

under  them. 
Goethe's         Goethe  says,  that  all  greatness  and  good 

opinion 

on  minor-    sense  are  to  be  found  in  the  minority.1     An 

ities.  J 

Englishman  has  no  fanciful  notion  of  this 
kind  :  he  thinks  that  wisdom  always  rests 
with  that  side  which  he  happens  to  take. 
Notwithstanding  that,  he  neither  despises 
minorities,  nor  worships  majorities. 
Majority  The  history  of  any  great  question  in  po- 

oftena-  . 

dopt  opi-     htics  shows,  that  what  may  have  been  at  one 

nion  of 

minority,  time  the  opinion  of  a  minority,  often  suc- 
ceeds in  establishing  itself  ultimately  as  the 
opinion  of  the  majority.  Take  the  question 
of  Free-trade,  for  instance.  Experience 
seems  to  have  proved,  that  the  opinion  in 

Free-  favour  of  Free-trade  is  a  sound  one  —  has, 
indeed,  with  us  in  England,  proceeded  from 


®ro$e  unb  ©efcfteite,"  fagte  er,  wert(lirt  in  bet 
SJHnotttdt.  $3  $at  STOinijier  gegefcen,  bie  SSoIf  unb  .ftonig 
gecjen  fid)  fatten,  unb  bie  ityre  grojjen  $(ane  einfam  burdj* 
flatten.  (£3  ift  nte  baran  gu  benfen,  baf  bie  3Sernunft 
^o^nildr  trerbe.  £eibenfd)aften  unb  ©efu^Ie  mogcn  ))c^uldr 
rcerben,  aBer  bie  SSernunft  wirb  immer  nut  tm  58eft^  eingcl*ier 

lidjer  fein."  —  ©ef^rd^e  mit  ©oetiJK,  5?on 

Scfermann.    12  Februar  1829. 


PEOPLE  FOR   GOOD   GOVERNMENT.  13 

an  opinion  to  a  conclusion.     But  this  opinion    CHAP. 
has  gone  through  a  series  of  stages  of  de-  ' — *" — ' 
velopment.      It  was  at  first  held   by  two  or  Deveiop- 

.  ment  of 

three  thoughtful  writers,  who,  perhaps,  were  opinions. 
the  only  persons  in  the  kingdom  who  tho- 
roughly believed  in  it,  and  were  willing  to 
accept  all  its  consequences.  The  opinion 
very  gradually  grew  into  favour,  until  it 
came  to  be  held  by  an  overwhelming  ma- 
jority. It  is  clear  that  Goethe's  maxim 
would  only  have  applied  to  this  question 
during  a  certain  period  ;  and,  therefore,  that 
the  maxim  is  entirely  conditional.  ^^u_ 

The  British,  I  maintain,  are  very  little  in- 
fluenced, one  way  or  the  other,  by  the 
number  of  persons  happening  to  hold  any 
particular  political  opinion.  But  we  believe, 
that  questions  must  be  settled  somehow  ; 
and  that -a  most  reasonable  way  of  settling 
them  is,  to  get  them  put  to  the  vote,  and  to  Willing- 

ness  to 

accept   the    decision    of   the    majority.     We  ad?Ptde- 

J  cisions. 

respect  that  decision ;  not,  perhaps,  intel- 
lectually, but  physically ;  if  I  may  so  express 
it.  And  that  there  should  be  such  a  respect 
for  the  decision  of  the  majority,  is  an  im- 


14  THE  FITNESS  OF  THE  BRITISH 

CHAP,     mense  advantage  to  the  cause  of  order,  in 

^- — • — '  any  State. 

That  almost  blasphemous  saying,  '  The 
voice  of  the  people  is  the  voice  of  God/  is 
not  one  which  would  find  favour  with  our 
fellow-countrymen.  But,  for  all  that,  the 

Voice  of     voice  of  the  people,  when  it  is   made  intel- 

the  people    ......  «  ,      ,  ,    . 

to  be  re-  ligible,  is  greatly  respected  by  us,  and  is 
looked  at — not  in  a  religious,  but  in  a  busi- 
ness-like kind  of  way — as  a  thing  which 
must  be  observed,  and  proved  ;  and,  in  some 
measure,  attended  to. 

Aids  to  The  greatest   aids   to   good    government 

vernment.  are  those  general  principles  of  thought  and 
action  which  belong  to  the  character  of  the 
people ;  and  which  always  can  be  appealed 
to,  and  relied  upon,  even  in  times  of  danger 
and  of  difficulty. 

I  do  not  believe  that  I  have  given  too 
favourable  a  representation  of  our  political 
modes  of  procedure  ;  and,  if  my  description 
is  a  just  one,  other  nations  must  admit  that 
they  cannot  appeal  to  their  histories  for 
examples  of  a  similar  nature.  With  us,  the 
beaten  party  does  not  hasten  to  '  descend 


PEOPLE  FOR   GOOD   GOVERNMENT.  15 

into  the   streets ;  *  does   not  suppose,  for   a    CHAP. 
moment,  that  a  matter  which   has  been  de-  • — < — ' 
cided  by  argument,  or  even  by  a  nice  adjust- 
ment of  moral  and  political  forces,  is  to  be 
varied  or  recalled  by  brute  force. 

I  should  not  so  much  insist  upon  our 
political  history,  to  prove  how  well  majorities 
and  minorities  conduct  themselves,  if  I  could 
not  confirm  my  assertions,  in  this  respect,  by 
our  conduct  in  simpler  matters  than  those  of 
politics.  The  same  obedience  to  a  majority,  General 

,  .......  .  obedience 

and  respect  for  the  right  of  a  minority,  may  to  the  ma- 
jority. 
be  seen  in  the  decision  of  matters  which  are 

not  political ;  and  even  in  our  recreations.  A 
dispute  arises  ;  the  question  is  put  to  the 
vote  ;  and  it  is  wonderful,  and  I  may  say 
delightful,  to  observe  what  thorough  ac- 
quiescence, or  at  least  obedience,  is  obtained, 
when  once  the  question  has  been  thus  de- 
cided. 

This  may  seem  inconsistent  with  what 
has  been  said  before,  touching  the  conduct 
of  the  British  in  times  of  revolution,  for,  at 
any  rate,  during  those  periods  they  have  not 
been  content  to  abide  by  any  mere  vote,  but 


THE  FITNESS  OF   THE  BRITISH 

have  had  recourse  to  arms.  All  that  can 
be  said  in  reply  is,  that  there  are  certain 
national  questions  which  cannot  be  decided  by 
the  head  or  the  tongue,  but  which  must  be  left 
Force  ne-  to  the  arbitrament  of  physical  force.  When, 

cessary  at  . 

times.  however,  that  dire  state  of  things  has  arisen, 
the  conduct  of  the  British  nation  has  been,  as 
stated  before,  as  little  repugnant  to  justice 
and  humanity  as  could  possibly  be  expected. 
One  other  important  circumstance,  which 
renders  the  British  more  amenable  to  govern- 

Britishnot  ment  than  almost  any  other  people,  is,  that 

addicted 

to  envy,  they  are  singularly  devoid  of  envy.  Con- 
sidering the  immense  display  of  wealth  in 
Great  Britain,  there  is  very  little  disposition 
manifested,  on  the  part  of  those  who  are 
entirely  without  wealth,  meanly  to  envy  the 
possessors  of  it.  There  is,  notwithstanding 
some  appearances  to  the  contrary,  less  real 
evidence  of  the  prospect  of  a  revolution,  for 
social  purposes,  in  Great  Britain  than  else- 
where. 

Constant         Another  point,  worthy  of  observation,  as 

in  their 

attach-       regards  our  fitness  for  good  government,  is, 

ments. 

that   we   are  a  very  constant   people— very 


PEOPLE  FOR   GOOD   GOVERNMENT.  17 

constant  in  our  attachment  to  our   political    CHAP. 
friends   and   favourites.      We   are   hasty   in  ' — • — " 
censure  :    we    pounce    down    very    sharply  And 

*  ,  r  though 

upon   any  real    or   supposed    errors    of  our  sharply 

critical, 

political  leaders ;  but,  there  is  scarcely  any 
mistake  that  they  may  make,  anything  that 
they  can  do,  short  of  committing  an  act 
of  deliberate  baseness,  which  is  not  invari- 
ably condoned  by  the  good  nature  of  the 
public,  which  those  leaders  guide  and  govern. 
We  are  not  the  people  to  expect  perfection 
in  anybody  ;  and  our  grave  and  humourous,  tolerant 

in  the 

and   somewhat  unprecise  nature,   makes   us  main. 
very  tolerant  of  short-comings. 

Lastly,  and  this  is  an  element  of  fitness  for 
being  well  governed,  which  is  of  a  surprising 
and  peculiar  value,  we  have  a  horror  of  pres-  Averse  to 

extremes. 

sing  any  doctrine  to  its  extreme.  We  abjure 
pure  science  in  common  life  and  in  politics, 
and  are  never  fascinated  by  the  desire  for 
completeness.  Our  proceedings,  political  and 
otherwise,  are  anything  but  neat,  with  the 
neatness  of  a  doctrinaire,  but  are  often  very 
ragged  at  the  edges ;  and  we  really  like 
this  raggedness.  Hence,  we  are  a  people  c?mPr<> 


mises. 
C 


1 8  FITNESS  FOR  GOOD   GOVERNMENT. 

CHAP,    delighting  in  compromises,  and  much  skilled 
'      •      '  in  framing  these  apparently  incomplete  and 
unscientific    arrangements,   which,    however, 
often  embody  the  soundest  practical  wisdom. 
I  think  I  have  given  several  valid  reasons 
Fitness  for  for   my  belief  in   the  fitness  of  the  British 
vemment    people  for  good  government  j1  which  reasons, 
if  true,  are  a  great  encouragement  to  states- 
men to  work  with  ardour,  and  without  tre- 
pidation, for   a   people    eminently   constant, 
unenvious,  practical,  thoughtful,  and    averse 
to  extremes. 

1  M.  Guizot  confirms  the  views  expressed  in  the  text, 
and   his   testimony,  being  that  of  a   foreigner,  is  most 
valuable  :  '  En  Angleterre  aussi,  chaque  systeme,  chaque 
,  principe  a  eu  son  temps  de  force  et  de  succes;  jamais 

aussi  completement,  aussi  exclusivement  que  sur  le  con- 
tinent :  le  vainqueur  a  toujours  ete  contraint  de  tolerer 
la  presence  de  ses  rivaux,  et  de  leur  faire  a  chacun  sa 
part.'— ^Guizot,  Civilisation  en  Europe. 


-xo 


CHAPTER   III. 


GOVERNMENT  NOT  LESS,    BUT  MORE    WANTED 

AS    CIVILIZATION  ADVANCES. 

PATERNAL    GOVERNMENT. 


I 


T  is  an  opinion  of  some  people,  but,  as  I     CHAP. 
contend,  a  wrong  and  delusive  opinion,  * — • — ' 

A  wrong 

that,  as  civilization  advances,  there  will  be  opinion. 
less  and  less  need  for  government  I  main- 
tain that,  on  the  contrary,  there  will  be 
more  and  more  need.  It  is  a  melancholy 
fact,  but  it  is  a  fact,  that  civilization  is  mostly 
attended  by  complication.  And,  moreover,  individual 

effort  less 

it  is  attended  by  a  diminution  of  power,  as  powerful 
regards  individual  effort.  I  always  like  to 
strengthen  an  abstract  statement  by  some 
concrete  illustration.  Now,  take  lighting  for 
instance.  There  was  but  little  occasion  for 
government  regulations  when  the  lighting  of 
each  particular  house,  in  great  cities,  entirely 
depended  upon  the  owner  of  that  house.  But 
now,  when  the  lighting,  not  only  of  public 


now. 


C  2 


20  GOVERNMENT  NOT  LESS,  BUT  MORE 

streets,  but  of  private  dwellings,  is  chiefly  ef- 
fected by  four  or  five  great  centres  of  lighting 
in  a  town,  the  whole  of  this  function  has 
entered  into  the  domain  of  government,  for 
no  one  private  person  has  power  enough  to 
regulate  the  matter  for  himself,  or  can  in 
any  way  insure  that  the  quality  of  his 
light  shall  be  what  he  desires.  A  similar 
Subjects  course  of  argument  applies  to  several  of 

requiring  %  .   .  '  it  V   • 

govern-       the    primary    requisites    lor   the    well-being 

ment  inter- 
ference,      and  comfort  of  human    life.     Water  supply, 

drainage,  sewerage,  means  of  locomotion,  all 
enter  the  same  category.  I  maintain,  that  the 
wisest  and  the  richest  man  amongst  us,  the 
man  too  who  shall  have  the  most  leisure,  is 
perfectly  incompetent,  especially  if  he  lives  in 
a  great  town,  to  provide  for  himself  some  of 
these  primary  requisites  of  life.  Having  once 
thrown  in  his  fate  and  his  fortunes  amongst 
an  agglomerated  mass  of  people,  it  is  to  the 
government  alone  that  he  can  look  for  pro- 
tection. 
Massing  One  of  the  results  of  advancing  civili- 

ot  the  po- 
pulation,     zation   has   been    an    agglomeration   of  indi- 
viduals in  particular  spots,  peculiarly  suited 


WANTED  AS  CIVILIZATION  ADVANCES.  21 

for    commerce   or   for   manufactures.     That    CHAP. 
agglomeration  always  takes  power  out  of  the  *- — • — -^ 
hands  of  the  individual.      It  makes  a  thing 
too  bigL  ibr  him  to  deal  with.     The  govern- 
ment is  the  only  body  that  can  control  the 
fierce    conflict    of  contending   individual   in- 
terests. 

One  of  the  principal  consequences  of  civil- 
ization  is  the  division    of  labour;   and   that  Division 

of  labour. 

division,  though  no  doubt  a  great  benefit  to 
the  commonwealth,  deprives  each  labourer  of 
power  over  those  departments  of  labour  in 
which  he  is  not  concerned  as  a  labourer.  His 
interest,  therefore,  in  those  other  departments, 
properly  and  legitimately  goes  to  the  State. 
And  practically  he  will  find,  that  his  only 
influence  over  them  will  be  through  the 
influence  he  can  exercise  upon  the  govern- 
ment. 

It  is  not  only  in  these  material  things  that 

the  same  law  applies.     The  individual  will  Diminu- 
tion of 
find,  that  in  the  greater  matters  of  government,  personal 

power. 

advancing  civilization  has  uniformly  deprived 
him  of  some  personal  power  and  influence ; 
and  that  he  has,  it  may  be  unconsciously, 


22  GO  VERNMENT  NO  T  LESS,  B  UT  MORE 

CHAP,     surrendered  some  of  those  functions,   which 

— • — '  would  have  been  his  under  a  simpler  form  of 

life  and  manners,  to  this  absorbing  creature 

called   government.      If    he   wishes    Art   or 

Advance-    Science  to  advance,  not  being  an  artist  or  a 

ment  of 

Art  and      scientific  man,  he  will  find  that  the  only  mode, 

Science. 

or,  at  least,  the  chief  mode  of  action  that  he 
can  adopt,  is  through  government. 

Again ;  advancing  civilization  has  not  ren- 
dered it  easier  for  the  individual  to  deal  with 
Foreign      the  foreign  or  colonial  matters  which  concern 

and  colo- 
nial affairs,   him.     Throughout  the  world,  its  progress  has 

only  tended  to  complicate  these  matters,  and 
rendered  it  more  necessary  that  those  bodies, 
called  governments,  should  give  ever-increas- 
ing attention  to  those  interests  which  they 

alone  can  deal  with. 

• 

Moreover,    the    holding   of    property    has 

not   become   more    simple   in    its   nature  as 

Tenure  of   civilization  has  advanced,  and  has  not  given 

property 

more  com-  government    less    to    do,    but    more    to    do, 

plicated. 

in  order  to  protect  the  various  interests  to 
which  it  should  give  fair  play.  Property, 
as  great  jurists  declare,  is  but  a  creature  of 
the  State  :  it  must  not  be  allowed  to  become 


WANTED  AS  CIVILIZATION  ADVANCES.  23 

a  noxious  creature  to  the  general  community.    CHAP. 
I  am  persuaded,  that  any  man,  who  will  give  ' — *- — 
a  large  circumspection  to  this  branch  of  the 
subject,  will  be  ready  to  admit  that  advancing 
civilization  has  provided,  and  will  continue  to 
provide,  more  work  to  be  done  by  the  govern- 
ment of  each  nation. 

I  am  well  aware  that  the  foregoing  remarks 
may  be  held  to  indicate  the  advantage  of  a 
form  of  government,  which  is  not  approved  of  Paternal 

govern- 
by  many  persons,   who,  moreover,  think  we  m«it 

have  outgrown  it ;  but  which,  on  the  contrary, 
I  hold  to  be  one  that  we  must  advance  into, 
rather  than  recede  from.  This  form  of  govern- 
ment is  called  '  paternal  government* 

I  freely  admit  that  this  phrase  has  an  evil  Has  an 

ill  name 

sound  with  many  people,  even  of  those  who 
have  given  much  thought  to  the  general  sub- 
ject of  government.  They  will  persist  in 
connecting  the  idea  of  unreasonable  interfer- 
ence, with  that  of  a  paternal  government.  It 
is  rather  hard  upon  us  fathers  of  families, 
that  this  view  should  be  taken,  but  I  do  admit 
that  we  are  sometimes  apt  to  forget  our 
children  have  come  to,  what  are  called  '  years 


24  GO  VERNMENT  NOT  LESS,  BUT  MORE 

CHAP,  of  discretion;'  and  are  wont  to  impose  upon 
* — • — '  them,  somewhat  unreasonably,  our  own  opi- 
nions, our  own  objects,  our  own  desires. 
This,  of  course,  results  from  our  great  affection 
for  them,  and  our  anxiety  to  enrich  them  with 
our  own  experience,  forgetting  that  experience 
is  a  thing  which  cannot  be  bought  with  other 
people's  money,  but  must  be  paid  for  in  the 
coin  of  individual  suffering. 

Now  the   State  is  in  no  great  danger  of 

going  wrong  from  an  excess  of  affection,  on 

the  part  of  those  who  govern,  for  those  who 

are  governed  ;   and,  instead  of  repudiating  a 

Patemai     paternal  government,   I  believe  it  would  be 

meat  good  our  best  policy  to  claim  it  with  all  the  force 

policy. 

we  have. 

We  are  now  brought  face  to  face  with  the 

nice  and  difficult  question,  of  what  is  justly 

'  paternal '  action  in  government,  and  what  is 

unreasonable  interference.     I  admit  that  the 

True  li-      moment  this  paternal  government  does  any- 

mits  of 

paternal      thing  for  any  individual  which  he  can  do  as 

govern-  % 

ment.  welJ  for  himself,  it  is  needlessly  interfering, 
and  tends  to  dwarf  his  powers  of  action,  and  of 
self -improvement.  But  if,  on  the  other  hand, 


WA  NT  ED  AS  CIVILIZATION  ADVANCES.  25 

it  neglects  to  do  that  which  cannot  be  done    CHAP. 

in. 
by  its  children,  as  individuals,  it  inevitably   — • — " 

cripples  the  well-being  and  improvement  of 
the  individual,  and  so  far  tends  to  render  him 
a  stunted  creature. 

It  was  a  very  droll  idea  of  that  great  wit, 
Aristophanes,  to  represent,  in  one  of  his  plays,  Aristo- 

phanes: 

a  good  peaceful  citizen  who,  in  time  of  war,  his  peace- 

ful  citizen. 

wished  to  make  a  separate  peace  with  the 
enemy.  This  excellent  person  had  no  desire 
for  conquest,  and  could  not  see  why  he  should 
not  come  to  terms  with  the  enemy,  on  his  own 
account.  We  smile  at  this  comical  attempt, 
on  the  part  of  an  insignificant  individual,  at 
reconciliation  with  a  huge  adverse  Power. 
Perhaps,  however,  we  do  not  see,  that  an  at- 
tempt similar  to  that  which  this  good  citizen 
was  intent  to  make,  for  self-preservation  from 
the  horrors  and  injuries  of  war,  would  have  to 
be  made  by  each  of  us  who  should  endeavour, 
without  the  aid  of  a  paternal  government,  to 
relieve  himself  and  his  family  from  the  horrors 
and  injuries  of  bad  drainage,  foul  air,  or  adul- 
terated food.  It  does  not  enter  into  the  power 
of  any  individual  to  deal,  as  an  individual, 


26  GO  VERNMENT  NO  T  LESS,  B  UT  MORE 

with  those  potent  associations  called  gas 
companies,  or  water  companies,  or  even  with 
individual  tradesmen,  who,  being  in  a  state  of 
prosperous  warfare  with  the  community,  can- 
not afford  to  enter  into  special  terms  of  peace 
with  a  private  individual. 

Need  of          I  knew  a  person  who,  in  the  innocence  and 
ment  in-     confidence  of  youth,  somewhat  presumptously, 

terference 

illustrated,  took  upon  himself  the  endeavour  to  abate  a 
great  public  nuisance ;  namely,  an  open  ditch 
which  had,  originally,  been  nothing  more  than 
a  well-meaning  outlet  for  draining  some  fields, 
but  which,  in  the  progress  of  building,  had  be- 
come a  sewer  of  intense  malignity.  This  enter- 
prising young  reformer  soon  found  that  no- 
thing less  than  the  power  of  the  State  could 
abate  this  nuisance.  One  person  was  willing, 
but  not  able  to  do  any  good  in  the  matter ; 
another  was  able,  but  not  willing  ;  a  third  had 
only  a  life,  or  leasehold  interest,  and  had, 
therefore,  no  hearty  care  for  improvement. 
Occasionally,  the  property,  through  which  this 
foul  sewer  ran,  belonged  to  some  corporation 
which  was  a  most  difficult  body  to  move.  In 
some  instances  the  owner  of  the  property  was 


WANTED  AS  CIVILIZATION  ADVANCES.  27 

not  to  be  discovered,  or  when  discovered  was    CHAP. 
found  to  be  incompetent  to  manage  his  own  v- — ^ — ' 
affairs.    In  other  cases  the  ownership  was  the 
subject  of  legal  controversy.     Altogether,  it 
was  soon  manifest  that  nothing  could  be  done 
in  the  matter  without  State  interference. 

Now  here  is  an  instance  in  which  advancing 
civilization,  carrying  with  it  a  rapid  increase 
of  population  in  particular  localities,  caused 
an  evil,  for  which  the  remedy  was  only  to  be  interfer- 

r  .     .  «  •  ence  iust 

found  in  a  just  and  necessary  interference  on  and  neces- 
the  part  of  government,  which    interference 
was  not  less  needed  because  it  may  be  called 
1  paternal/ 

There  have  been  many  short  and  trenchant 
maxims,  the  currency  of  which  has  been  very 
mischievous  to  mankind.  I  doubt  whether 
any  one  of  tnese  maxims  has  been  so  mis- 
chievous as  the  saying  Caveat  emptor.  If  it  caveat 

T  i        emptor  a 

does    mean,   as   generally  applied,  *  Let   the  very  mis- 
chievous 
community  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  wares  saying. 

which  the  purchaser  wishes  to  buy,'  it  is  a 
most  cruel  maxim.  And  if  it  only  means, 
*  Let  the  buyer  beware/  it  is  almost  equally 
cruel,  for  his  wariness  will  only  make  him  un- 


28  '  GOVERNMENT  NOT  LESS,  BUT  MORE 

CHAP,  comfortable,  seeing  that  it  cannot  assist  him 
> — • — '  in  getting  the  goods  that  he  wants  for  the 
money  that  he  is  prepared  to  give.  To  do 
this  he  must  call  in  the  aid  of  the  community, 
as  expressed  and  directed  by  government  ; 
and  he  is,  in  my  judgment,  a  very  foolish 
person  if  he  hesitates  to  do  so  from  the  fear 
of  putting  himself  in  the  hands  of  a  paternal 
government. 

Ground-          There  are  many  people  who  are  frightened 
ofatfu-     by    the   word    Bureaucracy.       They    think, 

reaucracy. 

perhaps,  that  there  are  a  number  of  official 
men  anxious  to  get  into  their  hands  the  direc- 
tion and  management  of  the  business  of  the 
world.  But  these  frightened  persons  do  not 
make  sufficient  allowance  for  that  indolence 
of  nature,  which  besets  official  men  as  well  as 
the  rest  of  mankind.  In  this  country,  how- 
ever it  may  be  in  other  countries,  there  is 
not  any  restless  body  of  official  men  desirous 
of  bringing  great  accretions  of  work  upon  their 
respective  Offices. 
NO  dan-  In  considering  this  most  important  subject 

ger  of  it  ..... 

in  Eng.      of  governmental  interference,  it  is  always  to 

land. 

be  recollected,  that  the  common  sense  of  the 


WANTED  AS  CIVILIZATION  ADVANCES.  29 

community  will  be  for  ever  employed  in  re-    CHAP. 
straining  this  interference  within  due  limits.  s — • — ' 
There  will   also  be  two  great  causes  which  Forces 
will  tend  to  make  these  limits  within,  rather  toKmit itf 
than  beyond  what  is  requisite.      In  the  first 
place;  there  will  be  the  individual  interest, 
often  most  powerful  in  Parliament,  which  is 
injured  or  menaced  by  any  interference  with 
its  action  on  behalf  of  the  public  good.     In 
the  second  place,  there  is  the  immense  desire 
in  every  human  breast  to  be  allowed  to  act 
as    freely  as    possible ;    which    desire   often 
militates    against,    and    absolutely   conquers 
the    most   manifest    considerations    of    self- 
interest  and  welfare.      People  do  not  like  to 
be    controlled,    or  to   lose    any   freedom    of 
action,  even  for  what  they  know  to  be   for 
their   good.       Amongst   a   free   people,    the  Danger 

i  i  •  r  i-     i  i    from  to° 

danger  always  is  of  too  little  governmental  little  in- 
terference. 
interference,  rather  than  of  too  much. 

Then  there  comes  in  that  powerful  agent,  Ridicule, 
ridicule,  which  will  always  be  a  secure  friend  safeguard. 
on  the  side  of  those  who  are  fearful  of  too  much 
governmental  interference.      Ridicule  will  not 
allow    governmental    interference    in     small 


30  GOVERNMENT  NOT  LESS,  BUT  MORE 


Adultera- 
tion of 
drugs. 


Sale  of 
poisons. 


matters,  even  though  it  might  be  justified  by 
very  good  reasons  derived  from  general 
principles. 

I  will  give  an  instance  of  what  I  mean. 
The  adulteration  of  drugs  is  a  very  serious 
evil.  It  has  before  now  proceeded  to  such 
an  extent,  that  if  prescriptions  had  been  made 
up  from  unadulterated  drugs  they  would 
have  been  perniciously  strong ;  whereas,  on 
the  other  hand,  if  the  drugs  were  adul- 
terated more  than  usual,  the  prescription 
became  ineffectually  weak.  Now  most  people 
would  admit  that  this  was  a  very  serious 
evil,  and  one  which  demanded  legislation, 
and  subsequent  supervision,  on  the  part  of 
government.  The  word  *  paternal '  is  always 
dropped  in  such  cases,  though,  in  reality, 
the  action  in  question  is  that  of  a  paternal 
government,  which,  in  hearty  concert  with 
the  public,  has  thrown  the  maxim  Caveat 
emptor  to  the  winds.  Here  is  an  admitted 
case  for  governmental  interference,  as  also  is 
the  sale  of  known  poisons. 

Now  take  another  instance  wherein,  upon 
general  principles,  government  might  perhaps 


WANTED  AS  CIVILIZA  TION  AD VANCES.  3 1 

be  called   upon   to  interfere ;  but,  respecting    CHAP. 
which,  no  person   of   common  sense  would  ' — •- — ' 
probably  desire  its  interference.     There  are 
certain    dyes   which,    when    introduced    into 
textures  that  are  to  come  next  to  the  skin, 
are   decidedly  injurious  to  health.     But   no  Certain 

.  cases  unfit 

one    would    wish    government   to    interfere  for  inter- 
ference. 
in   this   matter,   for,  in   the   first   place,   De 

minimis  non  curat  lex  might  fairly  be  ap- 
plied. And  then,  which  is  much  more  to  the 
point,  the  buyer  has  it  in  his  power,  not  only 
to  beware,  but  to  act  according  to  his  wari- 
ness, and  not  to  purchase  these  dyed  goods. 
He  is  in  a  far  different  position  from  the  man 
who  can  only  get  water  from  a  certain  water 
company,  and  who  cannot,  however  wary  he 
may  be,  insure,  without  government  aid,  pure 
water  for  himself  and  for  his  family. 

Pursuing  this  illustration  still  further,  for  it  Non-in- 

terference 

may  be  made  a  very  fruitful  one,  I  would  say  on  behalf 

of  the  pur- 

that  a  government  need  not  interfere  on  be-  chaser. 
ha  If  of  the  purchaser.    A  nd  so  far  my  readers, 
I  think,  will  go  with  me.     But  the  question 
becomes  a  very  different  one,  if  it  is  found 
that,  in    the   preparation    and   application  of 


32  GO  VERNMENT  NO  T  LESS,  B  UT  MORE 

CHAP,     some  dye,  great  injury  is  done  to  the  work- 

* — « — '  people,  and  especially  to  the  children  who  are 

employed    in    making   and   applying    certain 

highly  noxious    substances.      Here    paternal 

government  has,  according  to  my  view  of  it, 

a  right  to  step  in,  and  to  say  to  the  wearers  of 

certain  ornamental  appendages  :    '  You  may 

wear  these  noxious  and  absurd  things  if  you 

interfer-      like  ;  but  you  shall  not  make  use  of  our  children 

ence  on 

behalf  of     to  manufacture  them/    One  of  the  first  duties 

work- 
people,       of  a  State  is  to  have  a  regard  to  the  health 

of  its  people,  and  especially  of  those  who 
are  least  able  to  protect  themselves,  namely, 
its  young  children ;  and  it  may  decidedly 
decline  to  allow  them  to  have  any  dealings 
with  that  detestable  substance  known  as 
*  Scheele's  Green.'  If  this  interference  is  ad- 
mitted, it  certainly  may  be  classified  under  the 
head  of  paternal  interference. 
Paternal  Paternal  government  prevents  revolution. 

govern-  .  . 

mentpre-    What   socialists   are   always   aiming  at  is  a 

vents  revo-  t  •   t    "i 

lution.  paternal  government  under  which  they  are  to 
be  the  spoilt  children.  But  a  government 
which  should  give  considerable  attention  to 
the  wants,  and  even  to  the  pleasures,  of  the 


WANTED  AS  CIVILIZATION  ADVANCES.  33 

governed,  would  satisfy  the  reasonable  part  of    CHAK 
the  population,  and  make  them  very  averse  ' — ' — ' 
to    revolution.       When     government    limits 
itself,  as  regards  the  executive,  to  the  main- 
tenance of  order,  and  to  the  administration  of 
justice,  it  is  not  likely  to  have  a  very  strong 
hold  on  the  affections  of  the  people.  There  are 
persons  who  theoretically  declare,  that  they 
desire  the  least  possible  of  governmental  inter- 
ference in  all  their  affairs  ;  but  when  any  cala-  interfer- 
ence de- 
mity  occurs,  or  when  any  great  evil,  socially  manded 

when  any 

speaking;,  comes  to  the  surface  and  is  much  great 

calamity 

talked  about,  these  same  persons  will  be  found  occurs- 
joining  in  the  cry  that  government  ought  to 
have  foreseen  this — ought  to  look  to  that ;  and 
in  short,  all  of  a  sudden  (often  when  it  is  too 
late),  they  are  willing  greatly  to  extend  their 
views  with  regard  to  the  proper  functions  of 
government. 

I  mean  the  conclusion,  from  all  that  I  have  Paternal 

govern- 

said    in    this    chapter,    to    be,    that   paternal  ment  to  be 

welcomed. 

government,  as  it  is  called,  should  be  wel- 
comed rather  than  abjured  ;  and  that  we  may 
be  certain,  in  a  free  country,  that  limits  will 
be  put  to  its  action,  falling  short  of  rather 

D 


34  PATERNAL  GOVERNMENT. 

CHAP,     than  exceeding  those  which  are  required  for 

' • —  the  welfare  of  the  people  governed. 

Those  who  are  afraid  lest  we  should  have 

* 

too    much   paternal   government,    should  re- 
member that,  in  default  of  paternal  govern- 
Fraternal    ment,  we  may  have  fraternal  government ;  a 

govern- 
ment,        form  of  rule  which  has  always  partaken  largely 

of  the  relations  which  subsisted  between  those 
two  brothers,  of  whom  we  have  the  earliest 
record. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

LEGISLATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION. 

I  SUPPOSE  it  will  be  admitted  by  every-    CHAP. 
IV. 
one,  who  has  considered  the  subject  of  • — * — ' 

government,  that  these  two  functions — legis-  Difference 

between 

lation    and   administration — are    totally   dif-  legislation 

and  admi- 

ferent  in  character.     And,  moreover,  it  must  nistration. 
be  observed  that  the  same  body  which  will 
perform    one   of    these    important   functions 
well,  is  seldom  or  never  so  constituted  as  to 
fulfil  the  other  equally  well. 

Then  there  arises  the  difficult  question,  of 
how  far   a  legislative  body  should  interfere  Limits  of 

interfer- 

with  the  administrative  body,  to  insure  that  ence. 
the  legislation  it  has  enacted  should  be  tho- 
roughly carried  out.  I  submit  that  this  inter- 
ference should  be  the  least  possible.  It  is  to 
be  carefully  remembered,  that  there  are  various 
sources  of  temptation  attaching  to  a  legislative 


D  2 


36  LEGISLATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION. 

body,  prompting  them  to  interfere  unreason- 
ably  with  administration.     There  is,  first,  the 
natural  suspicion  pervading  the  whole  body, 
meats"        ^^  ^  *ts  legislation  ^oes   not  answer,  it  is 
toped?*8  because   its   yoke-fellow — the   administrative 
fovem-      body — has  not  acted  in  full  accordance  with 
the  letter,  or  the  spirit,  of  the  enactments  in 
question.     Then  there  is  the  vanity,  or  the 
diseased  activity,  or  the  desire  for  prominence, 
which  induces  members  of  the  legislature  to 
busy   themselves    needlessly   in   interference 
with  the  executive.     The  action  caused  by 
these   motives   should   be   steadily   resisted, 
otherwise   great    mischief    may   ensue,    and 
indeed  does  take  place  at  the  present  time. 
Evils  of      Needless  returns  are  called  for,  occupying  the 

much 

question-     time  and  attention  of  public   Offices  which 

ing  in 

pariia-        ought  to   be   otherwise    employed ;  needless 

ment. 

questions  are  asked  in  Parliament  which  sadly 
waste  the  time  of  the  Ministers  who  have  to 
answer  them  ;  and,  what  is  a  far  more  serious 
evil,  the  public  Offices  are  hampered,  worried, 
and  weakened  by  a  sense  of  their  double  re- 
sponsibility :  to  their  chiefs  and  their  country 
on  the  one  hand,  and  to  Parliament  on  the 
other. 


LEGISLATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION.  37 

Now  a  marked  evil  of  the  present  Age,  as    CHAP. 
of  all  Ages  in  which  criticism  has  risen  to  a  ' — • — ' 
great  height,  is,  that  everyone  has  to  think,  Effect  of 

excessive 

not  only  what  he  shall  do,  but  how  his  deed  criticism, 
shall  appear  to  be  done — how,  in  short,  it  will 
stand  the  test  of  a  never-sleeping  criticism. 

At  first  sight  this  may  seem  to  be  a  good 
thing,  but  in  reality  it  is  not  so.  In  the 
first  place  there  is  not  time  enough  in  the 
world  for  it  '  Wretched  would  be  the  pair 
above  all  names  of  wetchedness,'  as  Dr.  John-  Saying  of 

Dr.  John- 

son  well  says,  '  who  should  be  doomed  to  son. 
adjust  by  reason  every  morning  all  the  minute 
detail  of  a  domestic  day/  And  something  of 
the  same  kind  applies  to  all  forms  of  social 
life.  There  is  not  time,  and  certainly  there  is 
not  energy  enough,  for  those  persons  who 
have  to  decide,  to  direct,  and  to  govern,  also 
to  have  to  explain  their  reasons  and  motives 
for  all  that  they  do.  We  see  this  in  the  'case 
of  great  commanders  ;  and  a  similar  rule  holds 
good  almost  universally.  Ask  the  men  who 
have  been  most  successful  in  what  are  called 
private  affairs — the  captains  of  industry — 
whether  they  would  have  been  equally  sue- 


38  LEGISLATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION. 

cessful  had  they  been  obliged  to  work  under 
the  harrow  of  perpetual  supervision  and  cri- 
ticism. One  of  the  delusions  of  the  world 
has  been  the  notion  that  there  is  any  wonder- 
ful dissimilarity  in  the  conduct  of  public  and 
of  private  affairs,  whereas,  the  general  laws, 
which  should  regulate  all  human  transactions, 
are  the  same  in  both  cases.  One  of  the  most 
Trust  ne-  important  of  these  laws  is,  that  you  should  give 

cessary  to 

vigorous     a  large  amount  of  trust  and  confidence  to  your 

action. 

agents,  if  you  wish  that  they  should  act  for  you 
with  any  of  the  vigour,  promptitude,  and  com- 
parative fearlessness  with  which  you  would  act 
for  yourself. 

Necessity         It  is  inevitably  requisite,  when  treating  the 
second        subject  of  this  chapter,  to  consider  the  neces- 
chamber.    sity  for  a  second  Chamber  of  legislature.     It 
is  a  question,  which  deeply  agitates  the  minds 
of  men  in  the  present  day,  and  it  cannot  be 
held  to  be  other  than  one  of  vital  importance. 
In  order,  however,   to  consider  it  carefully, 
some   general   remarks  may  well  be    intro- 
duced. 

Time  and  occasion  are  the  two  important 
circumstances  in  human  life,  as  regards  which 


LEGISLATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION.  39 


the  most  mistaken  estimates  are  made.  And 
the  error  is  universal.  It  besets  even  the  most 
studious  and  philosophic  men.  This  may 

notably  be   seen  in  the   present  day,   when  Common 

i  •    •        -11  i         1-11          errors  re" 

many  most  distinguished  men  have  laid  down  gaming 

time 

projects  for  literature  and  philosophy,  to  be 
accomplished  by  them,  in  their  own  lifetime, 
which  would  require  several  men,  and  many 
lifetimes  to  complete ;  and,  generally  speak- 
ing, if  any  person,  who  has  passed  the  me- 
ridian of  life,  looks  back  upon  his  career,  he 
will  probably  own,  that  his  greatest  errors  have 
arisen  from  his  not  having  made  sufficient 
allowance  for  the  length  of  time,  which  his 
various  schemes  required  for  their  fulfilment. 
Now,  is  this  an  error  which  is  less  likely  to 
occur  in  a  popular  assembly,  than  with  indi- 
vidual men  ? 

The  same  statements  hold  good  as  regards  and  occa- 
sion. 
occasion.     Of  that,  too,  a  popular  assembly 

is  by  no  means  more  likely,  than  an  indivi- 
dual, to  form  a  just  estimate.  On  the  con- 
trary, the  danger  which  always  threatens, 
and  often  prevents  calmness  of  thought,  and 
justness  of  action,  when  these  have  to  be 


40  LEGISLATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION. 

CHAP,    exercised  in  the  presence  of  a  numerous  body, 
*- — • — ~"   is  likely  to  be  very  prominent  and  very  fatal 
in  matters  which  involve  a  just  estimate  both 
of  time  and  occasion. 

These  general  reflections  cannot  be  held 
to  be  out  of  place,  when  we  are  considering 
the  subject  of  legislation  and  administration. 
Men  do  not  cease  to  have  the  common 
faults  of  mankind  because  they  are  elected  to 
serve  in  a  popular  assembly.  And  this  is 
true  wherever  man  is  placed — he  having, 
always,  great  difficulty,  as  Goethe  has  re- 
marked, '  in  jumping  off  from  his  own 
shadow.' 
Defects  Now,  let  us  apply  the  foregoing  remarks  to 

likely  to 

prevail  in    the  legislation  that  is  likely  to  occur  when  there 

a  single 

Chamber,  is  only  one,  and  that  one  an  elected  legis- 
lative assembly.  Such  a  body  will  naturally 
partake  of  whatever  impulses  are  predomi- 
nant with  the  people.  The  immediate  ques- 
tions of  the  day  will  naturally  pre-occupy  the 
minds  of  its  members  ;  and  those  questions 
will  assume  a  disproportionate  value  in  their 
eyes.  They  will  be  eager  to  attempt  what 
they  have  not  time  to  accomplish,  and  will  be 


LEGISLATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION. 

prone   to   exaggerate    the    urgency 
occasion. 

Occasion  is  not  opportunity.  Occasion 

is  not  op- 
Let    us    apply    this    maxim    to    the   great 

subject  of  peace  and  war.  There  may  fre- 
quently be  a  Casus  belli  which  affords  any- 
thing but  a  good  opportunity  of  going  to  war. 
In  dealing  with  such  a  case,  the  tendency  of 
a  popular  assembly,  or,  indeed,  of  any  single 
assembly,  is,  to  give  too  much  weight  to  the 
occasion.  And  therein  appears  the  great 
advantage  of  having  a  second  legislative 
assembly.  It  would  be  a  very  coarse  way 
of  putting  it  to  say,  that  it  enables  us  to 
make  an  appeal  from  '  Philip  drunk  to  Philip 
sober.'  But  certainly  there  is  something  in 
this  common  phrase  which  is  justified  by  the 
universal  experience  of  mankind.  The  man 
who  has  not  found  out,  that  in  serious  matters 
it  is  well  to  address  himself  to  the  con- 
sideration of  them,  in  various  moods  of  mind, 
is  either  very  inexperienced,  or  very  un- 
observant 

There  is  not  anything  which,  if  a  prudent 
man  had  to  choose  the  Country  in  which  he 


42  LEGISLATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION. 

CHAP,     would    reside  and   cast   his  fortunes,  would 

IV. 

^" — r~"  '  more  justly  influence  his  choice  than  the 
fact  whether  a  country  possessed,  or  not, 
a  second  Chamber.  Men  can  accommo- 
date themselves  to  nearly  any  set  of  cir- 
cumstances, and  continue  to  carry  on  *  life 
tolerably,  except  under  sudden  changes  of 
legislation  which  affect  their  dearest  interests. 
It  is  taking  an  extreme  case,  but  not  an  un- 
fruitful one  for  observation,  to  notice  what 

Action  of    was  done  by  the  Commune  in  the  late  dis- 

the  French 

Commune,  turbances  in  France.  In  two  or  three  weeks 
they  passed  laws  affecting  religion,  property, 
freedom  of  speech,  and  freedom  of  action  of 
every  kind.  To  show  to  what  an  extent  this 
wild  and  tumultuous  legislation  was  carried, 
there  came  a  telegram  one  day  to  this 
country,  which  stated,  for  the  satisfaction  of 
mankind,  'that  no  material  alteration  in  the 
laws  of  France  had  been  made  by  the  Com- 
mune on  the  preceding  day.'  As  I  have  said 
before,  the  conduct  of  the  Commune  is  an 
extreme  case  ;  but  something  distantly  similar 
to  it  may  be  observed  throughout  history  in 
the  conduct  of  every  government  that  has 


LEGISLATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION.  43 


relied  upon  a  single  legislative   assembly —    CHAP. 
King's  Council,  Council  of  Ten,  Council  of  ' — • — ' 
Three  Hundred,  or  whatever  name  and  form 
the  one  ruling  body  may  have  assumed. 

As  bearing  upon  the  necessity  of  a  second  De  TOC- 

queville  on 

Chamber,  the  following  words  of  De  Tocque-  a  second 

Chamber. 

ville  are  closely  to  the  point : — 

'  Je  pense  done  qu'il  faut  toujours  placer 
quelque  part  un  pouvoir  social  superieur  a 
tous  les  autres  ;  mais  je  crois  la  liberte  en 
peril  lorsque  ce  pouvoir  ne  trouve  devant  lui 
aucun  obstacle  qui  puisse  retenir  sa  marche, 
et  lui  donner  le  temps  de  se  moderer  lui-m&ne.' 

Now,  I  would  not  have  it  supposed,  from 
anything  that  has  been  said,  that  I  am  in  the 
least  degree  pledged  to  maintain,  that  any 
second  Chamber,  that  may  exist  in  any  part 
of  the  world,  is  the  best  fitted  for  correcting 
the  evils,  which  I  believe  would,  inevitably, 
be  caused  by  the  existence  of  one  legislative 
body  only,  in  any  given  State.  It  would  be 
presumptuous  to  attempt  to  declare,  what 
would  be  the  best  form  of  constitution  for 
this  second  Chamber  in  any  foreign  country. 
I  think,  however,  that  it  would  be  pusillani- 


44 


LEGISLATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION. 


CHAP,     mous   not   to   attempt   to  say  what,   in    my 
"•      '  judgment,  might  be  the  best  constitution  for 
such  a  Chamber  in  our  own. 


House  of 
Lords. 


I  confess,  that  I  think  that  it  is  impossible, 
or,  at  least,  that  it  would  be  very  unwise,  if 
it  were  possible,  to  maintain  the  House  of 
Lords  as  a  second  Chamber  for  Great  Bri- 
tain, without  considerable  modifications  in 
the  constitution  of  that  legislative  body.  As 
it  is  at  present  constituted,  it  does  not  do  the 
work,  or  even  provide  the  restraint,  which  a 
second  Chamber  should  do,  and  should  pro- 
vide. It  is  more  completely  the  victim  of 
popular  impulses  than  even  the  Lower  House ; 
its  defects,  which,  indeed,  can  hardly  be  called  a  victim 
at  all,  as,  for  the  most  part,  it  fairly  reflects 
and  shares  those  popular  impulses.  But, 
that  body  may  justly  be  called  a  victim  to 
popular  impulses,  which  eventually  is  always 
sure  to  sacrifice,  even  its  convictions,  to  the 
predominating  influence  of  the  other  house ; 
whereas,  looking  across  the  Atlantic  for  an  ex- 
ample, we  have  often  seen  that  the  American 
Senate  has  most  wisely  and  patriotically  re- 
sisted popular  impulses,  especially  in  the  con- 
duct of  foreign  affairs. 


LEGISLATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION.  45 

It  is  always  a  most  difficult  thing  for  a  re-    CHAP. 
former,  who  perceives  that  a  reform  is  wanted  ' — - — ' 
in  a  great  institution,  to  lay  down  the  exact  Difficulties 

of  reform. 

lines  upon  which  his  reform  should  be  con- 
structed. He  perceives,  as  I  do  at  this 
moment,  that  a  reform  is  needed  in  the  par- 
ticular matter  of  which  he  is  treating ;  but  he 
knows,  that  so  soon  as  he  submits  some  par- 
ticular suggestions  for  that  reform  in  question, 
he  abandons  the  abstract  for  the  concrete, 
and  often  is  liable  to  seem  to  be  answered 
upon  the  general  question,  because  he  himself 
has  not  been  able  to  satisfy  the  world  as  to 
the  wisdom  or  prudence  of  the  particular  sug- 
gestions he  offers. 

There  are  four  changes  which  I  venture  Reforms 

suggested 

tO  propose  :  to  increase 

its 

ist.  That    there   should    be   life-peerages  strength. 

Life  peer- 
granted  by  the  Crown.  ases- 

2ndly.  That  certain  offices,  when  held  for 
a  certain  term  of  years,  should  entitle  the  Special 
man  who  has  held   them  to  a  seat   in  the 
House  of  Lords. 

3rdly.  That  no  hereditary  peer  should  be 
able  to  take  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Lords, 


46  LEGISLATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION. 

CHAP,     until  he  had  reached  the  age  of  thirty ;  or  had 
>s" — • — "  sat  in  the  House  of  Commons  for  five  years. 
Quaiifica-        4thly.   That  an  hereditary  noble  should  not 

tions  of 

hereditary   be  obliged  to  take  his  seat  in  the  House  of 

peers. 

Peers,  until  ten  years  had  elapsed  from  his 
succession  to  the  peerage. 

I  do  not  pretend  to  say,  that  these  are  the 
wisest  methods  for  procuring  an  efficient 
second  Chamber,  and  also  for  strengthening 
the  first  Chamber.  I  am  not  enamoured 
of  any  of  them ;  but  they  are  those  which 
have  occurred  to  me  as  having  some  feasibi- 
lity in  them.  All  that  I  am  convinced  of 
is,  that  if  the  government  of  this  country  is 
to  proceed  in  the  rational  and  harmonious 
manner,  in  which  it  has  hitherto  proceeded ; 
gathering  towards  it  all  those  influences,  all 
that  knowledge,  and  all  that  experience,  which 
are  so  rife  in  a  nation  of  free  men ;  a  reform 
Reform  in  of  the  House  of  Lords  must  be  instituted, 

the  House  • 

of  Lords,  which  shall  tend  to  attract  and  to  combine 
these  great  qualifications  for  central  govern- 
ment. 

In  this  way,  or  in  some  other  way,  adopt- 
ing similar  principles,    we  shall   be  able  to 


LEGISLATION  AND  ADMINISTRATION.  47 

make  due  use  of  the  men  amongst  us  who 
have  received  most  culture,  and  have  profited 
most  from  their  experience. 

I  think,  moreover — and  this  with  me  is  a 
most  potent  thought — that  we  should,  by  some 
of  the  means  I  have  indicated  above,  be  able  to 
obtain  the  immense  advantage  of  bringing  into 
our  legislature,  men  of  special  acquirements, 
and  of  special  knowledge.  We  should  also  Colonists 

in  Parlia- 

be  able  to  provide  a  place  in  our  legislature  for  ment. 
the  most  distinguished  citizens  in  our  colonies  ; 
and,  in  fine,  I  believe  that  we  should  thus 
attract  to  a  legitimate  centre,  the  ruling 
minds  which  are  scattered  throughout  our  vast 
dominions.  At  present  there  is  always  the 
danger  of  our  legislation  becoming  local  (or, 
as  a  satirist  might  say,  parochial) — of  our 
dominion  over  this  multitude  of  mixed  races, 
whom  we  very  loyally  and  kindly  seek  to 
govern  with  insufficient  information,  being 
provincial  and  vice-regal,  instead  of  im- 
perial— and,  in  short,  of  our  being  a  kingdom 
with  semi-subject  realms  and  loosely-held 
colonies,  instead  of  a  united  empire. 


CHAPTER  V. 


Political 
and  per- 
manent 
officers. 


The  per- 

manent 

official. 


THE   RELATION  BETWEEN  THE   POLITICAL  AND 
PERMANENT   OFFICERS   OF  STATE. 

A  KINDRED  subject  to  legislation  and 
-*-*  administration,  is  that  of  the  relative 
position  and  conduct  of  the  principal  legisla- 
tive and  administrative  functionaries.  It  is 
an  interesting  point  connected  with  govern- 
ment, to  consider  how  permanent  officers, 
and  transitory  political  officers  of  a  higher 
grade,  should  act  together.  It  might  natu- 
rally be  expected,  that  this  conjoint  action 
would  be  somewhat  difficult. 

The  permanent  officer  —  a  permanent 
under-secretary,  for  instance  —  is  generally 
chosen  with  great  care.  He  is  often  a  person 
who  is  distinguished  for  general  knowledge 
and  ability.  And  then,  he  is  likely  to  have 
an  amount  of  special  knowledge  which  it 
would  take  many  years  of  official  drudgery 


POLITICAL  AND  PERMANENT  OFFICERS.  49 

for  the  political  chief  to  attain.     In  fact,  to    CHAP. 
use   a   common  phrase,  he  is  the  master  of        ' " 

the   situation ;    and  he  may   be    inclined   to  The  po- 
litical 
make  an  ungenerous  use  of  his  advantages,  chiefs. 

On  the  other  hand,  a  political  chief,  con- 
scious that  all  power  really  rests  with  him, 
that  he  has  to  undertake  the  defence  of 
the  Department  in  Parliament,  and  that 
he  may  be  misled  or  overpowered  by  the 
special  knowledge  of  the  permanent  func- 
tionary, would  naturally,  if  he  were  a  small-  Their  dim- 
minded  man,  be  a  little  tempted  to  be  captious 
and  over-bearing.  Moreover,  he  is  tempted 
to  think,  that  unless  he  makes  many  comments 
and  objections  to  the  proposals  of  the  per- 
manent officer,  he  may  be  supposed  not  to 
understand  the  business  at  all.  In  short, 
there  are  temptations  .on  both  sides  to  in- 
judicious conduct.  But  whether,  to  use  a  Their 
word  which  is  a  great  favourite  with  the  relations. 
French  people,  there  is  so  little  that  is  sinister 
in  the  nature  of  the  public  men  of  this  country, 
or  whether  it  is,  that  men  holding  office  be- 
come almost  immediately  attached  to  their 
Department,  and  identified  with  its  interests, 
E 


5O  POLITICAL  AND   PERMANENT  OFFICERS. 

CHAP.    the  practical  result  is,  that  these  high  per- 
'      '      '  manent  officers,  and  these  still  higher  political 
personages,  as  a  rule,  get  on  very  well  to- 
gether.    I  have  uniformly  found,  that  these 
two  classes  of  official  men  speak  well  of  one 
Mostly       another ;  become   attached  to    one  another  ; 

sincere  • 

friends.  and,  in  short,  generally  end  by  becoming 
sincere  friends.  There  is  not,  indeed,  a 
better  basis  for  lasting  friendship,  than  that 
which  is  elicited,  among  public  men,  by  work- 
ing together  for  the  same  purpose — namely, 
the  public  good. 

I  have  thought  it  right  to  allude  to  this 
subject,  because,  though  the  apparent  dif- 
ficulties are  got  over  in  the  smoothest  way  in 
the  Government  of  Great  Britain,  the  matter 
is  one  which  should  be  carefully  looked  to, 
and  considered  in  other  governments,  where 
the  political  difficulties  are  much  greater,  as 
the  political  world  is  divided  very  harshly 
into  fiercely-contending  parties. 


CHAPTER   VI. 


LOCAL    GOVERNMENT. 


IOCAL  GOVERNMENT,  by  which  is 
-^  meant  the  government  exercised  by 
local  authorities,  in  any  particular  locality,  is 
a  good  measure  of  the  freedom  and  indepen- 
dence of  the  individuals  composing  a  State. 
Many  of  its  advantages  are  obvious — such,  for 
instance,  as  the  use  to  be  made  of  special  local 
knowledge ;  which  kind  of  knowledge  can 
hardly  ever  be  mastered  by  a  central  authority. 

But  there  are  also  great  indirect  advan- 
tages attendant  upon  any  system  of  political 
government,  in  which  local  government  has 
a  large  sphere  of  action. 

In  the  first  place,  it  compels  men  who 
would  not  otherwise  be  versed  in  the  func- 
tions of  government,  to  learn  and  exercise  the 
art  of  governing.  Again,  it  furnishes  employ- 
ment for  those  busy,  and  somewhat  restless, 


Advan- 
tages of 
local  go- 
vernment. 


It  forms 
adminis- 
trators. 


£  2 


LOCAL   GOVERNMENT. 


Occupies 

restless 

spirits. 


Brings 
different 
classes 
together. 


Teaches 
the  diffi- 
culties of 
govern- 
ment. 


persons,  who,  if  they  do  not  find  something 
to  occupy  their  talents  in  local  affairs,  are  apt 
to  become  agitators  in  Imperial  affairs — and 
that  too,  with  knowledge  very  dispropor- 
tionate to  their  energy.  Moreover,  it  tends 
to  bring  men  of  different  classes  together  in 
the  conduct  of  business  ;  and  there  is  hardly 
any  way  by  which  men  can  become  better 
acquainted,  and  more  readily  learn  the  re- 
spective worth  of  each  other,  than  by  being 
thus  associated. 

Again — and  this  is  a  point  of  very  great 
importance — it  tends  to  make  men  tolerant  in 
their  judgments  as  to  the  conduct  of  Imperial 
affairs.  Let  a  man's  sphere  of  governing  be 
ever  so  limited,  he  learns  to  appreciate  some 
of  the  difficulties  of  government  in  general. 
He  finds  how  hard  a  thing  it  is  to  make  men 
of  one  mind,  and  to  get  real  business  of  any 
kind  carried  forward,  when  there  is  great 
freedom  of  discussion  and  of  action.  Also, 
he  becomes  cognizant  of  some  of  those  mat- 
ters connected  with  government,  which  only 
experience  can  teach.  For  example,  he 
learns  the  value,  and  somewhat  even  of  the 


LOCAL   GOVERNMENT. 


53 


money  worth,  of  a   good  agent.     You  will     CHAP. 
find,  that  almost  every  man  who  has  been  * — ^ — 
concerned  in  governing,  is  much  more  liberal 
as   regards  the  payment,  and   the  other  re-  Value 

of  good 

wrards  of  agents,  than  the  man  who  has  had  agents. 
no  experience  in  that  direction.  You  will 
not  find  such  a  man  joining  in  a  senseless 
outcry  against  liberal  payment  for  good  work. 
He  has  discovered,  that  the  first  thing  is  to 
get  good  work  done  ;  and  for  this  he  will 
not  grudge  its  adequate  reward. 

In  few  words,  the  man  who  has  interested 
himself  in  local  government,  is  likely  to  be- 
come a  good  judge  of  the  proceedings  of 
imperial  government. 

Now,  there  is   one   point  connected  with  Higher 

classes 

this  matter  to  which  I  must  advert,  as  being  should 

take  part 

that   which    relates   tov  the  very  essence  of  in  local 

govern- 

good  local  government.  It  is,  that  men  of  ment 
the  higher  classes  should  not  refuse  any  op- 
portunity of  connecting  themselves  with 
local  government,  however  humble  may  be 
the  sphere  of  action  proposed  for  them. 
They  should  not  lay  themselves  out  for 
election  to  offices  connected  with  local  go- 


54  LOCAL   GOVERNMENT. 


CHAP,    vernment ;   but   they   should   never  abstain 
^ •     '  from  serving,    when    elected.     Surely  every 
man's  neighbourhood  may  very  fitly  be   an 
important  centre  of  his  action  ;  and  nothing, 
however   minute,   connected    with   the  well- 
being  of  that  neighbourhood,  is  beneath  his 
notice,  or  unworthy  even  of  his  utmost   at- 
tention.     Besides,    he    will    never    have    a 
better  opportunity  of  acting  in  concert  with 
Advan-       those  placed  in  a  humbler  position  than  him- 
locaigo-     self,  and  learning  what  they  think  and  wish 

vernment. 

for,  than  he  will  when  dealing  with  matters 
relating  to  local  government. 

It  would  be  premature,  and  it  would  be 
somewhat  pedantic,  to  attempt  to  define,  be- 
fore there  is  any  occasion  for  defining,  the 
exact  extent  of  the  areas  over  which  se- 

Limitsof    parate  local  governments    should    have  go- 
local  go- 
vernment,   vernance. 

It  would  also  be  difficult  to  form  an  exact 

list  of  the    subjects    of  local  welfare,   which 

should  be  submitted  to  local  control.     One 

subject,    however,   there  certainly  is,   which 

Subjects      especially  belongs  to  local  government,  and 

control.       that  is  the  sanitary  well-being   of    the  local 


LOCAL   GOVERNMENT.  55 


community.     This  may  be  taken  as  an  un-    CHAP. 
doubted  case,  in  which  local  government  is  ' — • — 
desirable ;  and  I  proceed,  in  reference  to  it, 
to   say   what    should,   in    my  judgment,   be 
the  relations  between  local  and  central  au- 
thority. 

It  is  almost  needless  to  observe  that, 
if  these  relations  are  to  be  useful  to  the 
community,  they  should  be  thoroughly  har- 
monious. At  any  rate,  they  should  not,  by 
their  nature,  be  antagonistic. 

There  is  no  doubt  that,  in  a  country  like 
Great    Britain,    possessing    a    metropolis   to 
which    all    the    highest    intellect,    and    the 
greatest   experience   gravitate,  there  will  be 
a  mass  of  hoarded  knowledge,  which  would 
be  invaluable  even  for  the  conduct  of  minute 
local   affairs.     This  is  especially  to  be  seen 
in  the  application  of  sanitary  science.     I  have 
spoken  of  the  great  advantage  to  be  derived  Advan- 
from   special   local   knowledge,   and   from  a  iocd° 
familiarity  with  local  affairs  possessed  by  the  ledge. 
people  of  any  locality.      But,  as  in  all  human 
affairs  there  is  a  drawback  attendant  upon 
any  advantage,  so,  from  this  very  familiarity 


56  LOCAL   GOVERNMENT. 


with  their  own  neighbourhood,  the  local 
authority  sometimes  fails  to  recognise  a  local 
danger,  or  disadvantage.  I  am  not  now 
making  this  statement  upon  a  mere  abstract 
view  of  the  question.  I  have  over  and  over 
again  observed,  that  some  important  cause  of 
sanitary  ill-being  has  not  been  discovered  by 
persons  interested  in  the  locality,  when  a 
skilled  person,  sent  down  into  the  neigh- 
Local  bourhood  by  central  authority,  has  at  once 

knowledge  .  .  .          .. 

aided  by  conjectured  what  was  the  disturbing  cause, 
thority.  and  has  afterwards  proved  that  he  was  right 
in  his  conjecture.  I  have  even  known,  that 
something,  which  was  considered  by  the 
inhabitants  of  the  district  to  be  a  thing  of 
beauty  or  of  usefulness,  has  been  the  cause 
of  great  sanitary  mischief — a  cause  easily 
discerned  by  a  skilled  person,  accustomed 
to  consider  every  variety  of  sanitary  derange- 
ment. Nay  more,  I  have  known  a  town  to  be 
suffering  under  great  mortality,  produced  by 
causes,  which  all  the  local  skill  was  unable 
to  discern,  which  causes  were  immediately 
detected  by  an  eminent  London  physician, 
who  happened  accidentally  to  have  two  or 


LOCAL   GOVERNMENT. 


three  cases  of  illness  among  the  inhabitants  CHAP. 
of  that  town,  brought  up  to  him  for  consul-  * — •— 
tation. 

The  object  of  the  preceding  sentences  has 
been,  to  show  how  great  may  be  the  value  of 
central  knowledge,  brought  to  bear  upon  any  value  of 

,          .       -.-..,  ..  central  au- 

local    difficulty    or    danger,    connected   with  thority. 
sanitary   affairs.       A    similar   argument   will 
probably  hold  good,  to  a  certain  extent,  as 
regards  all  local  affairs. 

It  would  be  very  desirable,  that  the  local 
authority  should  be  on  such  good  terms  with  TO  be  re- 

cognised 

the  central  authority,  that  it  should  not  hesi-  as  a  friend. 
tate  to  ask  for  aid  and  advice  in  any  difficulty. 
At  the  same  time  it  must  be  remembered, 
that  the  duty  of  the  central  authority  is 
of  an  Imperial  nature ;  and  that,  whether  its 
aid  is  asked  for,  or  not,  it  must  not,  know- 
ingly, allow  the  existence  of  dangerous  centres 
of  disease  in  any  particular  locality.  Its  main 
duty  must  ever  consist  in  inspection.  And  inspecting 

not  super- 

here  I  come  to  another  point,  which  I  regard  seding  io- 

cal  autho- 

to  be  one  of  the  utmost  importance.     I  do  rity- 
not  think  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  central 
authority  to  take  upon  itself,  except  in  cases 


58  LOCAL  GOVERNMENT. 


CHAP,  of  extreme  urgency,  the  task  of  executing 
1 — • — ~  local  works,  and  of  raising  local  taxation  for 
Except  in  the  purpose  of  executing  those  works.  I 

extremity. 

am,  therefore,  constrained  to  say  that  some 
of  our  recent  legislation  was  not  well-con- 
sidered in  this  respect ;  and  I  think  that  the 
result  has  shown  that  this  was  the  case. 
When  the  local  authority  has  proved  itself 
recalcitrant,  it  has  been  found  almost  impos- 
sible for  the  central  authority  to  carry  out 
the  works,  which,  in  their  judgment,  were 
Defects  in  requisite ;  and  for  the  execution  of  which, 
gisktion.  they  were  left  to  provide  the  funds  by  local 
taxation. 

There  remain,  however,  the  cases  of  ex- 
treme urgency,  where  the  central  authority 
is  convinced  that,  both  for  the  locality  and 
for  the  State  in  general,  certain  things  should 
be  done,  which  the  local  authority  resolutely 
Exception-  refuses  to  do.  These  cases  will  be  rare. 

al  cases. 

They  should  be  met,  as  I  think,  by  laying  all 
the  facts  before  Parliament,  and  demanding  a 
local  Act  for  the  special  purpose  in  question. 

If  Parliament  is   not  sitting,  power  might 
be   given  to    the    Privy  Council,   or  to  any 


.LOCAL   GOVERNMENT.  59 


office  under  which  sanitary  matters  may  ul-    CHAP. 
timately  be   placed,1  to   take  the  necessary  * — ' — " 
steps  for  executing  the  works  required,  and 
providing  the  requisite  funds.     But  I  do  not 
think  that,  as  a  general  rule,  it  should  be  in-  HOW  to 
cumbent  upon  the  central  authority  to  remedy 
the   laches  of  the  local  authority,  by  under- 
taking  functions  for  the   exercise  of  which 
the  central  authority  is  singularly  unfit 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  words 
'  central  authority '    are  very    '  prave   'ords,'  what  cen- 
as  Fluellen  would  have  said  ;  but  that,  when  nty  really 

is. 

you  come  to  look  at  the  thing  closely,  '  cen- 
tral authority '  means  four  or  five  clever  and 
able  men,  with  a  staff  of  secretaries  and 
clerks  ;  and  perhaps  with  a  body  of  inspectors, 
who  are  skilled  persons  in  their  several  depart- 
ments of  knowledge.  But,  taken  altogether, 
an  office  which  has  perhaps  a  great  name  and 
great  authority,  is,  after  all,  not  a  body  com- 
petent to  rule  or  manage  local  affairs  in 
detail,  and  can  only  give  judicious  advice, 
and,  in  rare  cases,  judicious  aid,  to  the  local 

1  This  was  written  before  the  passing  of  the  Act  con- 
stituting the  Local  Government  Board. 


60  LOCAL   GOVERNMENT. 


CHAP,    authority,    which    must    do   the   work   that 
'      '  properly  belongs  to  it. 

It  is  also  to  be  remembered,  that  any 
government  Office  which  has  now,  or  here- 
after may  have,  the  control  of  sanitary  affairs, 
will  have  not  only  those  affairs  entrusted  to 
its  supervision,  but  many  other  affairs ;  and 
that  sufficient  time  and  energy  will,  for  the 
most  part,  be  altogether  wanting  for  its 
general  business,  if  it  is  called  upon  to  carry 
out  those  details  of  work  which  strictly  belong 
to  local  authority,  and  in  which  it  should, 
at  the  utmost,  have  had  only  the  duties  of 
advice,  aid,  and  supervision,  imposed  upon  it 


CHAPTER  VII. 

ON  ATTRACTING    ABLE    MEN    TO     THE 
SERVICE    OF    GOVERNMENT. 

THIS,  and  several  of  the  following  chap-    CHAP. 
ters,    will  be  devoted    to  considering  — 
some  of  the  chief  aids  that  may  be  obtained 
for  government.      Among  the   foremost   of  Aids  need- 

ed  by  go- 

these  aids,  may  surely  be  placed  the  attrac-  vemment. 
tion  of  able  men  to  the  government  service. 

There  is  an  absolute  need  for  men.  Machi- 
nery will  not  do  their  work  :  in  fact,  the  more  Abie  men 
refined,  and  the  more  potent  the  machinery, 
the  more  intelligent  must  be  the  men  to  guide 
it.  Government  is  not  exempt  from  this 
general  rule ;  and,  as  its  affairs  are  more  im- 
portant than  those  of  any  private  individual, 
it  mostly  requires  men  of  especial  ability  to 
conduct  those  affairs.  '  I  have  two  hundred 
millions  in  my  coffers/  exclaimed  Napoleon, 
'  and  I  would  give  them  all  for  Ney.'  It  is 


62  ON  ATTRACTING  ABLE  MEN 

CHAP,     not  often  that  a  Napoleon  is  in  desperate  need 

' — •" — '  of  a  Ney;  but  the  great  conqueror's  opinion 

of  the  value  of  a  man  is  well  indicated  by  the 

above  saying ;  and  it  is  an  opinion  which  ought 

to  have  great  weight  with  all  persons  who 

have  anything  to  do  with  the  choice  of  men 

to  fill  offices  of  any  kind. 

Especially        j  would  especially  notice,  that  there  is  more 

in  present  J 

*%*•  need  now  of  good  men  in  government  em- 

ployment than  there  ever  was — because  other 
entities  are  so  strong.  In  these  days  Litera- 
ture, Science,  Art  criticism  of  all  kinds,  and 
interests  of  all  kinds  are  more  powerful  than 
they  ever  were  :  and  as  government  has 
occasionally  to  combat  with,  or  to  protect 
itself  against  these  powers,  it  is  desirable  that 
it,  too,  should  proportionately  increase  in 
power. 

In  Great  Britain  we  have,  of  late,  adopted 

Competi-     the  system  of  competitive  examination,  as  a 

tem.  means   of  discerning  men's  qualifications  for 

office.     In  my  judgment,  although  the  system 

has  long  been  adopted  in  China,  it  is  a  most 

inadequate  one  for  its  purpose.      It  detects 

qualifications  which  are  little  needed,  while, 


TO   THE  SERVICE   OF  GOVERNMENT.  63 

it  fails,  inevitably,  to  discover  those  which  are     CHAP. 

VII. 

most  needed.     It  is  a  bringing  back   of  the  ' • — ' 

world   to   the   schools.     The    main    reasons  itsadvan- 

r      .         ,      .  ,  tases- 

given   for  its   adoption  are,  that  it  prevents 

jobbery,  relieves  men  in  power  from  importu- 
nity, and  encourages  education. 

These   may   be   very  good    objects ;    but,  Foreign 

to  main 

unfortunately,  they  are  foreign  to  the  main  object 
object,  which  is  to  choose  fit  men,  and,  if 
possible,  the  fittest  men,  for  certain  employ- 
ments. Competitive  examination  is  mainly  a 
mode  of  relieving  those  persons,  who  ought  to 
have  the  burden  of  making  a  choice,  from 
the  responsibility  of  so  doing. 

How  ineffective  this  mode  of  procedure  is  itsineffi- 
likely  to  be,  may  be  inferred  from  the  follow- 
ing statement.  You  wish  to  ascertain  that  a 
man  will  be  zealous,  faithful,  true,  reticent, 
cautious,  and  capable  of  dealing  rapidly  with 
current  business  ;  and,  also,  as  he  advances  in 
office,  of  taking  a  certain  amount  of  responsi- 
bility upon  himself.  You  think  that  you  have 
accomplished  this  end  by  ascertaining  that  he 
can  construe  Latin,  and  has  been  crammed 
with  a  certain  knowledge  of  the  facts  of 


64  ON  ATTRACTING  ABLE  MEN 

CHAP,     history,  which  facts,   having  been  devoured 

' • — '  rather  than  digested,  stand  very  little  chance 

of  being  well  used  by  him  for  the  future,  and 
will  probably  be  entirely  forgotten. 
Proposal          As  a  humorous  person,  I  know,  is  wont  to 

of  a  hu- 
morous      say    <  jf  yOU  Were  to   try  the  candidates   in 

person. 

whist,  there  might  be  a  chance  of  discerning 
whether  they  would  be  capable  of  dealing 
with  the  real  business  of  the  world/ 

There  is  one  very  important  point  to  be 
considered  in  reference  to  this  question  ;  and 
tKat   is,   not   only  is  the   talent   for   acquir- 
ing  knowledge    not   a   talent   of  imperative 
Talent  for    necessity,  as  regards  the  conduct  of  the  busi- 

acquiring  ....... 

knowledge  ness  of  the  world,  but  it  is  absolutely  mju- 

not  always 

necessary,  rious  in  some  respects.  Young  people  very 
often  manifest  a  readiness  to  acquire  know- 
ledge merely  from  a  certain  docility  of  mind, 
which  makes  few  enquiries,  is  easily  satisfied 
with  what  the  teacher  tells  it,  and  never  cares 
to  take  an  original  and  independent  view  of 
what  it  is  taught.  These  qualifications  are 
exactly  opposed  to  those  which  are  wanted  in 
the  conduct  of  business.  Putting  aside,  how- 
ever, for  the  moment,  any  conjectures  about 


TO    THE  SERVICE   OF  GOVERNMENT. 


the  matter,  I  venture  to  assert  that  much  of    CHAP. 

VII. 

the  greatest  and  the  best  work  in  the  world  ^-^^> 
has  been  done  by  those  who  were  anything  but 
docile  in  their  youth.      This  bold  statement 
applies,  I  believe,  not  only  to  the  greatest  men 
in  Science,  Literature,  and  Art,  but   to   the 
greatest  men  in  official  life,  in  diplomacy,  and 
in  the  general  business  of  the  world.     If  I  Great  men 
were  asked  to  point  out  the  men  who,  in  my 


experience  of  public  affairs,  have  shown  the  C1 
most  remarkable  competency  for  the  conduct 
of  business,  they  would,  in  several  instances, 
prove  to  be  men  of  very  limited  education. 
One  of  the  principal  qualifications  for  the  con- 
duct of  business  is  decisiveness  ;  and  surely 
no  one  will  contend  that  decisiveness  is,  of 
necessity,  promoted  by  the  acquisition  of  much 
knowledge  in  youth. 

What  I  have  said  above  applies  principally  Highest 

education 

to  men  who  are  to  be  chosen  for  the  per-  beneficial 

.  .  to  states- 

manent  Civil   Service  of  the  country.     The  men. 
statesmen    who  have   to    take   a    more   pro- 
minent part,  whose  business  it  is  to  argue,  to 
explain,  if  possible  to  be  eloquent,  may  doubt- 


66  ON  ATTRACTING  ABLE  MEN 

CHAP,     less  be  greatly  benefited  by  an  education  of 

VII.  J 

v- — • — '  the  highest  kind. 

Certain  There    is   also   another  point  on  which   I 

primary 

tests  re-  would  guard  my  previous  statements.  When 
I  say  that  I  entirely  object  to  competitive 
examination,  I  do  not  mean  that  there  should 
be  no  examination  at  all  for  the  candidates 
for  office ;  but  it  need  not  be  competitive. 
There  are  certain  primary  requisites,  the 
existence  of  which  may  be  perfectly  ascer- 
tained by  examination.  For  example,  there 
are  qualifications  of  the  most  elementary 
kind  in  reading,  writing  (alas  !  how  seldom 
attained),  and  arithmetic,  which  may  well  be 
insisted  upon.  I  would  also  add,  'that  the 
digesting  of  documents,  and  the  making 
abstracts  from  them,  are  real  tests  of  the 
fitness  of  men  for  official  life.  But  when  you 
insist  upon  acquirements  in  history,  or  Latin, 
or  mathematics,  the  question  is  entirely 
different. 

There  is  another  point  I  would  urge.  Some 
of  the  greatest  men  never  do  their  best  until 
they  have  realities  to  deal  with.  It  is  in  vain 
to  tell  them  that  the  acquisition  of  knowledge 


TO  -THE  SERVICE  OF  GOVERNMENT.  67 

is   a   reality.     They  will  persevere  in  being    CHAP. 

playful,   indolent,  and  disinclined  to  acquire   <— ' 

knowledge.  Once,  however,  bring  these  men 
into  real  life  :  once  show  them  that  what  they 
do,  may  have  serious  consequences,  and  they 
are  sobered  as  it  were.  They  exert  all  their 
powers,  and  are  often  found  to  be  the  most 
consummate  managers  of  human  affairs. 

The  foregoing  remarks  have  been  directed 
against  the  system  of  competitive  examination. 
That  system  has,  however,  prevailed.  The 
only  thing  now  to  be  done,  is  to  implore  all 
those  who  have  power  in  the  matter  to  resist 
this  system  being  carried  to  its  utmost  extent ;  Exceptions 

.  .  t  -    to  be  made 

to  make  exceptions  wherever  they  can,  and  when  pos- 
sible. 
to   reserve    for   themselves   some   power   of 

choice. 

I  feel  it  but  right  to  say  here,  something 
respecting  the  motives  of  the  eminent  men 
who  have  introduced  the  system  of  competi- 
tive examination.     They  saw  before  them  a  Motives 
great  evil — not  exactly  the  evil  of  what  is  petitiye 

examina- 

called  jobbery — but  they  found  that  parlia-  tion. 
mentary  influence  was  used  to  an  excessive 
extent,  and  that   appointments    were   given, 


F  2 


68  ON  ATTRACTING  ABLE  MEN 

CHAP,     not  according  to  merit,  but  according  to  pure 
' — ""-"  favour,  and  it  seemed  to  them  that  anything 

Abuse  of  J 

Pariiamen-  WOuld  be  better  than  that. 

tary  influ- 
ence. 50)  as  Often  happens,  the  pendulum  went 

from  one  extreme  to  the  other.  It  was 
held,  that  because  a  good  choice  was  pre- 
vented by  reason  of  imperious  and  un- 
welcome solicitation,  it  would  be  desirable  to 
take  away  all  power  of  choice  from  those 
persons  who,  it  must  be  admitted,  if  left 
perfectly  free  to  choose,  would  have  been  the 
best  persons  to  make  the  selection.  Other 
motives  also  influenced  the  promoters  of  the 
Further-  new  system  ;  as,  for  example,  that  education 

ance  of 

education,  would  be  greatly  furthered  by  the  institution 
of  competitive  examination.  Moreover,  it 
seemed  to  fall  in  with  the  democratic  ten- 
dencies of  the  day,  and  was  so  far  attractive 
as  a  political  measure. 

All  I  contend  for  is,  that  it  will  be  found 
to  fail  quite  as  much  as,  if  not  more,  than 
the  previous  system  did  :  notwithstanding 
all  the  sinister  influences  which  were  brought 
to  bear  upon  that.  The  endeavour  to  get  rid 
of  these  influences  was  a  worthy  one.  But 


TO   THE  SERVICE  OF  GOVERNMENT.  69 

it  was   not   desirable    that   the    old   system    CHAP. 

VII. 

should  be  made  to  give  way  to  one  of  such  * — • — ' 
a  mechanical  character  as  that  which  is  at 
present  in  force.     After  all,  if  you  wish  men 
in  power  to  be  enabled  to  choose  their  agents  Choice  of 
and  subordinates  wisely,  you  must  free  them 
from   the    necessity    of  yielding   to   claims, 
based  solely  upon  education  and  acquirements, 
as  well  as  from  the  imperious  demands  of 
political  expediency. 

Almost  all   rules  are   bad  which  tend  to  Limita- 
limit  the  choice  of  men  for  employments  of  any  choice 
kind.     Any  rule,  for  instance  about  excess  of 
age,  is  injudicious.     The  powers  of  different 
men  are  so  various,  that  it  is  not  too  much  to 
say,  that  men  are  often  twenty  years  younger, 
or  older,  than  their  age  according  to  years.     If  Of  age. 
we  look  at  the  great  events,  not  only  in  ancient 
history,  but  at  those  of  the  last  few  years,  we 
shall  see  that   the   greatest  of  these  events 
have  been  carried  to  a  prosperous  issue  by 
men  who  were  anything  but  young. 

Now,  why  should  we  confine  our  view  in 
this  matter  to  generals,  and  kings,  and  states- 
men ?  If  the  view  is  good  for  anything,  it 


70  ON  ATTRACTING  ABLE  MEN 

CHAP,     applies  to  all  men ;  and  a  more  foolish  thing 

' • — '  is  seldom  done  by  any  government,  by  any 

minor  body  of  men,  or  by  any  individual,  than 
in  fixing  a  limit  of  age  as  regards  the  employ- 
ment of  its  or  his  agents. 
other  dis-        Similar  statements  might  be  made  as  re- 

qualifi- 

cations.  gards  several  of  the  disqualifications,  which 
are  frequently  set  out  in  the  shape  of  rules 
and  bye-laws,  and  which  prevent  men  from 
choosing  those  of  their  fellow-men  who  would 
be  most  capable  of  conducting  their  affairs. 

Pecuniary  Pecuniary  disqualification  is  an  instance  of 
what  I  mean.  You  think  to  gain  a  good  man 
to  manage  your  affairs,  because  he  happens 
to  have  a  small  share  in  your  undertaking. 
It  is  a  great  error.  You  want  him  to  do  some- 
thing well  which  you  are  going  to  tell  him  to 
do.  If  he  has  been  wisely  chosen,  and  is  an 
able  man,  his  pecuniary  interest  in  the  matter 
will  be  mere  dust  in  the  balance,  when  com- 
pared with  the  desire  which  belongs  to  all 
such  men  to  do  their  work  well.  On  the  other 
hand,  by  insisting  upon  a  pecuniary  qualifica- 
tion, you  may  easily  prevent  yourself  from 
being  able  to  choose  the  best  man.  Rules  of 


tests. 


TO    THE  SERVICE   OF  GOVERNMENT.  71 

this  kind  generally  punish  most  the  men  who    CHAP. 
make  them.     The  real  reason  why  men,  even  v — — ' 
of  great  ability,  whether  in  government  or  in 
other  public  bodies,  have  circumscribed  them- 
selves by  these  rules  and  these  disqualifica-  The  rignt 

placing  of 

tions  is,  that  they  are  not  sufficiently  pene-  men.  " 
trated  by  the  idea  of  the  value  of  having  the 
right  man  in  the  right  place.  The  advantage 
to  the  world  of  having  men  rightly  placed  is 
almost  inconceivable.  All  success  depends 
upon  it  It  is  a  thing  which  cannot  be  over- 
estimated. Through  the  most  adverse  circum- 
stances, the  able  man  will  form  a  path  for  him- 
self and  others. 

There  are  certain  people  who  will  do,  and 
do  very  well,  almost  anything  that  you  bring 
them  to  do.  They  must,  however,  be  fed 
with  work.  They  will  not  find  work  for  them- 
selves. They  are  the  very  persons  who  do 
well  in  competitive  examinations,  but  they 
are  not  capable/  of  originating  anything. 

Now  the  business  of  the  world  is  continu-  Need  for 
ally  taking  new  forms.     The  troubles  of  the  originating 

minds. 

world  are  also  continually  taking  new  aspects. 
Nothing,  therefore,  is  more  needed  in  public 


72  ON  ATTRACTING  ABLE  MEN 

CHAP.     Offices,  than  that  there  should  be  at  least  a 

VII. 

' • — '  few  men  of  originating  minds,  who  perceive 

and  recognise  the  changes  in  human  affairs, 
and  are  perpetually  on  the  watch  to  make  the 
working  of  their  respective  offices  capable  of 
coping  with  these  changes  of  thought,  of 
opinion,  or  of  action  in  the  outer  world. 
Such  men,  I  contend,  must  be  looked  out  for, 
by  methods  very  different  from  those  which 
are  at  present  in  vogue. 

The  foregoing  have  been  general  considera- 
tions, but  they  are  peculiarly  applicable  to  the 
conduct  of  government. 

put  and  I  have  been  always  very  much  struck  by  the 
way  in  which  the  elder  Pitt  chose  Wolfe  to 
command  the  expedition  to  Canada.  Wolfe 
had  not  the  military  standing  which  might 
alone  have  justified  Pitt  in  choosing  him 
as  the  leader  of  that  expedition.  But  Pitt 
had  heard  of  this  man.  The  business  of  every 
statesman  is  to  know  a  good  deal  about  men. 
Pitt  sent  for  Wolfe,  and  noted  well  his  answer 
to  the  question,  whether  he  could  do  the  work 
that  had  to  be  done.  The  great  Minister 
understood  men  ;  and  by  that  electric  sym- 


TO    THE  SERVICE   OF  GOVERNMENT.  73 

pathy  which  enables  one  great  man  to  judge    CHAP. 
almost    instantaneously  about   another,    saw  ^ — • — * 
that  this  was  the  right  man  to  be  a  leader, 
and  that  he  might   safely  intrust   him    with 
the  conduct  o/  a  hazardous  expedition. 

It  is  such  insight,  on  the  part  of  statesmen, 
that  I  would  trust  to  in  our  times,  believing 
that  it  would  be  far  more  valuable,  and  lead 
to  much  better  results,  than  the  limitation,  by 
nice  rules  of  forethought,  of  the  choice  made 
by  statesmen  of  those  agents  who,  though  ob- 
scure, and  even  rarely  known  by  name  to  the 
public,  form,  as  it  were,  the  back-bone  of  the 
administration  of  every  country  in  the  world. 

In  answer  to  the  foregoing,  it  will  at  once  Fear  of 

jobbery. 

be  said,  *  If  statesmen  are  to  be  thus,  with 
scarcely  any  limit  or  rule,  intrusted  with  the 
choice  of  subordinates,  how  are  we  to  provide 
against  jobbery  ?' 

Now,  with  respect  to  this  ugly  term  *  job- 
bery,' I  must  say  a  few  words  which  merely 
embody  my  own  personal  experience.  I  have 
served  under  many  political  chiefs.  I  suppose 
I  must  have  been  very  fortunate,  that  is,  if 
this  accusation  of  jobbery  is  a  just  one,  for,  if 


74  ON  ATTRACTING  ABLE  MEN 

CHAP.     I  were  put  in  a  witness-box,  and  asked  upon 

VII. 

' — '  oath,  to  disclose  any  particular  instance  of 

jobbery  of  which  I  had  been  cognisant,  I 
should  be  unable  to  name  a  single  one.  I 
have  known  my  chiefs  give  anxious  hours  to 
the  consideration  of  the  appointments  they 

Practical     had  to  make.      They  have  sometimes  con- 
care  in 
choosing     suited  me  upon  these  matters,  showing  me 

men. 

various  letters  of  recommendation  and  testi- 
monials.     I  have  never  had  to  protest  against 
Personal      'jobbery/     All  that  I  have  generally  had  to 

interviews 

desirable,  say  was, '  See  the  man  of  whom  you  at  present 
have  the  most  favourable  opinion  :  see  him 
before  you  make  up  your  mind  finally  to 
appoint  him.  For  there  is  something  in  the 
aspect  of  a  man,  which  letters  of  recommen- 
dation and  testimonials  will  not  tell  you.' 

Occasional        I  do  not  mean  to  maintain,  that  under  any 

errors  of 

choice  in-    system  of  choice  great  mistakes  will  not  be 

evitable.          * 

made,  for  it  is  one  of  the  most  difficult  pro- 
blems of  life  to  ascertain,  beforehand,  how  a 
man  will  conduct  himself  when  he  is  placed 
in  any  particular  office.  Strangely  enough, 
some  of  the  greatest  errors,  as  regards  the 
choice  of  men,  which  I  have  known  to  be 


TO   THE  SERVICE   OF  GOVERNMENT.  75 

committed  under  the  old  system,  were  com-    CHAP. 

VII. 

mitted  by  too  much  attention  being  given  to  — ' — ' 
those  supposed  qualifications  which  are  now 
being  crystallized  into  the  main  system  for 
official  appointment.  I  will  give  an  instance 
of  what  I  mean,  which  I  can  without  reserve, 
as  the  persons  principally  concerned  are 
dead.  An  office  requiring  great  capability  Anxiety 

to  make 

in  dealing  with  business,  fell  vacant.     The  gopd  ap 

point- 
political    chief    was    extremely    anxious    to 

make  a  good  appointment.  He  instituted 
careful  enquiries  about  the  rising  young  men 
of  the  day.  One  morning,  when  I  came  into 
his  room  to  receive  instructions,  he  said  to 
me  with  great  glee,  '  I  have  found  a  good  man 
for  this  office.  His  name  is .  Double- 
first  at  Oxford ;  and,  as  you  know,  has  dis- 
tinguished himself  since.'  The  man  in  ques- 
tion was  appointed  to  the  office.  He  really 
was  an  able  man  in  his  way,  but  he  had  one 
fatal  defect.  He  was  slow.  To  speak  in  the 
language  of  men  who  are  versed  in  horse- 
manship, he  '  could  not  go  the  pace '  that  was 
required.  There  were,  for  example,  about 
ten  matters  of  business  which  had  to  be 


7  6  ON  ATTRACTING  ABLE  MEN 

CHAP,     brought  to  him  in  the  course  of  the  day.      He 

*•  —  •  —  "  was  an  exacting,  fastidious  kind  of  man,  and 

could  never  be  persuaded  to  settle  more  than 

three  of  them.     The  consequence  was,  that 

Slowness     the  business  in  question  fell  off  from  him,  and 

a  fatal 

defect.  was  carried  to  a  man  in  another  department, 
of  very  limited  education,  but  who  was  a 
fine  reasoner,  a  master  of  expression,  and 
altogether  an  admirable  man  of  business. 
Now  the  error  of  my  chief,  and,  I  must  con- 
fess, my  error  too,  for  I  believed  that  our  office 
was  most  fortunate  in  securing  the  services 
of  this  young  man,  was  in  giving  too  much 
credence  to  that  '  double-first,'  and  to  con- 
sequent distinction  in  matters  which  had 
nothing  whatever  to  do  with  promptitude 
in  business. 

What  now  is  a  most  valuable  aid  in  the 
choice  of  a  man  to  fill  up  any  office  is,  the 

Valuable  opinion,  if  you  can  get  it  honestly  given,  of 
older  and  more  experienced  men,  about  the 


oinions 


rienced 

men-  qualifications  of  a  candidate.  Here,  again,  I 
will  give  a  practical  instance  of  what  I  mean. 
There  was  a  rising  young  statesman,  whose 


TO   THE  SERVICE  OF  GOVERNMENT.  77 

merits,  however,  had  hitherto  only  been  ac-    CHAP. 

VII. 

knowledged  by  making  him  Master  of   the   • — ' 

Buckhounds — an  office  not  necessarily  requir- 
ing much  skill  in  statesmanship.  Two  elderly 
statesmen  were  discussing  the  merits  of  this  Example 

of  the  non- 

young:  man.     They  agreed  that  there  was  the  competi- 

J  live  sys- 

stuff  in  him,  to  make  a  man  of  the  utmost  tem 
eminence  in  statesmanship.  They  are  both 
dead  now,  or  they  might  have  seen  how 
amply  their  prognostications  have  been  ful- 
filled. For  they  would  see  him  acting,  under 
most  difficult  circumstances,  as  the  leader  of 
his  party  in  one  of  the  Houses  of  Parliament. 
With  all  respect  for  that  %  eminent  personage, 
I  am  by  no  means  sure  that  he  would  have 
arrived  at  his  present  position  if  he  had  had 
to  attain  it  through  a  series  of  competitive 
examinations.  How  should  we  have  been 
able  to  ascertain,  by  the  means  of  such 
examinations,  his  tact,  his  keen  appreciation 
of  the  weight  of  argument  on  the  other 
side,  as  well  as  on  his  own  side,  his  for- 
bearance in  debate,  and,  which  is  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  qualifications  he  possesses, 


7  8  ON  ATTRACTING  ABLE  MEN 

CHAP,  his  skill  in  eliciting  most  rapidly,  from  a 
' — • — '  large  mass  of  facts  submitted  to  him,  those 
which  are  essential  to  the  subject,  and 
which  will  suit  his  purpose  ?  And  yet,  I  fear 
this  statesman  is  one  of  those  who  believes 
in,  or  least  consents  to,  this  system  of  com- 
petitive examination,  not  seeing  that  what  he 
feels  and  knows  would  be  inapplicable  to 
men  in  his  position,  is  also  inapplicable  as 
regards  the  choice  of  men  to  fill  inferior  offices 
in  the  State. 

A  man,  who  has  had  large  and  long  ex- 
perience of  the  public  service,  when  speaking 
of  the  choice  of  men  to  fill  public  Offices,  has 
been  heard  to  say,  '  All  would  go  well  in  the 
A  novel  way  of  choice,  if  only  each  man  were  allowed 
to  choose  his  own  immediate  inferior/  This 
novel  proposition  is  not  likely  ever  to  come 
into  vogue ;  but  it  has  great  merits  to  recom- 
mend it,  and  there  are  occasions  in  which 
it  might  be  partially  adopted.  For  instance, 
when  a  Department  of  the  State  is  divided 
into  several  sections,  and  a  vacancy  occurs 
in  any  one  of  them,  it  is  probable  that 


TO   THE  SERVICE   OF  GOVERNMENT.  79 

there  is  no  one  who  would  take  such  pains 
in  making,  or  recommending  a  good  appoint- 
ment, as  the  person  who  has  the  charge  of 
the  work  of  that  section,  as  the  head  of  it. 

The  man  who  made  this  original  sugges-  Depen- 
dence on 
tion  might  have  urged,  as  a  potent  motive  inferiors. 

for  its  adoption,  that  each  one  of  us  is  more 
dependent  upon  his  immediate  inferior,  than 
even  upon  his  immediate  superior. 

It  is  the  inferior  who  can  most  surely  make 
one's  life  miserable,  by  tiresomeness,  or  mis- 
conception, or  inactivity. 

Finally,  when  by  any  process  of  selection,  impor- 

tance  of 

you  are  fortunate  enough  to  have  got  good  keeping 

men  con- 
men   to  serve  you,   you   must    take  care    to  tent 

keep  them  satisfied.  As  Sir  Henry  Taylor 
has  well  remarked  in  h'is  *  Statesman,'  that 
most  men  are  disheartened  if  they  do  not, 
in  the  course  of  a  certain  period,  say  ten 
years,  obtain  a  distinct  rise  in  their  positions. 
This  I  believe  to  be  true ;  and  it  requires 
considerable  care  to  provide  for  this  desirable 
object  on  behalf  of  your  best  servants,  whether  By  due 

i_r  •  T*        J  •  -11       Prom°- 

public   or  private.       1  o   do   so  is  especially  tion. 


8O  ON  ATTRACTING  ABLE  MEN. 


CHAP,     difficult  in  public  offices,  because  the  rate  of 
"~^ '  promotion  must  greatly  depend  upon  the  num- 
ber of  persons  employed   in  the  office,  and 
also  upon  various  accidental  circumstances. 
Absolute     It  is  impossible  to  lay  down  any  precise  rules 

rules  im-        .          .  .  ......  ,    T 

possible,  for  the  attainment  of  this  object ;  and  I  can 
only  remark,  that  it  is  one  which,  from  time  to 
time,  requires  attention  from  those  political 
personages  who  are  placed  at  the  head  of 
public  Departments. 

It  must  be  remembered,  that  the  work  of 
the  permanent  civil  servants  of  the  Crown  is 
necessarily  of  an  obscure  character.  It  is  not 

Absence      rewarded  in  the  manner  in  which  other  ser- 

of  public  . 

applause,  vice  is  often  rewarded  in  the  outer  world, 
namely,  by  increasing  fame  and  reputation. 
The  merits  of  the  most  eminent  of  the  per- 
manent civil  servants  are  known  to  very  few 
persons  ;  which  makes  their  position  especially 
dependent  upon  the  discriminating  kindness 
of  their  chiefs.  There  are  but  two  modes  of 

Rewards     rewarding  eminent  public  service  of  the  kind 

available. 

alluded  to,  namely,  increase  of  pay,  and  the 
conferring  of  honours.     The  consideration  of 


TO    THE   SERVICE   OF  GOVERNMENT.  8  1 

this  last  mode  of  reward  naturally  brings  me    CHAP. 

VII. 

to  the  discussion  of  the  general   subject  of  '  -  •  —  ' 
honours,  which  I  shall  deal  with  in  the  next 
chapter. 

Before,  however,  commencing  that  subject, 
I  must  add  something  which,  to  my  mind. 
has  a  certain  appropriateness  in  regard  to 
many  things  that  have  been  said  in  the 
foregoing  pages. 

In  one  of  Schiller's  plays  there  is  a  Moor  The  Moor 

and  his 

who  has  done  good  service  to  his  master,  master. 
That  master  has  the  folly,  more  than  once, 
to  dismiss  the  Moor  somewhat  abruptly,  and 
to  intimate  that  there  will  soon  come  a  time 
when  he  will  not  need  his  services  any  more. 
This  rankles  in  the  heathen's  breast,  and 
when  alone,  he  more  than  once  shows  what 
his  feelings  are,  by  such  words  as  these  :  *  The 
Moor  has  done  his  work  :  the  Moor  can 
go.'  1  Before  going,  however,  he  resolves  to 
undo  all  his  work,  by  betraying  his  master, 
who  is  at  the  head  of  a  conspiracy. 


1  ,,5>er  SWo^r  §at   fcine  5lrfceit  gct^an:   ber   2fto$r  farm  . 
en." 

G 


82  ABLE  MEN— SERVICE    OF  GOVERNMENT. 


CHAP.         Now,  there  is  no  danger  in  Great  Britain 

VII. 

• — '  of  betrayal   on  the  part  of  public  servants ; 

but  the  reflection  contained  in  those  few 
simple  words,  '  The  Moor  has  done  his 
work  :  the  Moor  may  go/  is  a  very  chilling 
and  depressing  one ;  and  it  is  not  desirable 
that  it  should  enter  largely  into  the  minds 
of  those  who  are  connected  with  the  public 
service. 


T 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  HONOURS, 

HE  conferring  of  honours  is  a  most  im-    CHAP. 

VIII. 

portant  function  of  government;   and,  • — - — ' 
throughout   the   world,    it    is    a   function    in  import- 
which  there  is  much  abuse.     In  George  III.'s  conferring 
time   there   was   a   man   who  had    rendered  rightly. 
some   political   service   to    the    government, 
(political  service  in  those  days  not  being  a 
thing   of  the   highest  merit),  and  this    man 
wished  to  be  allowed  to  drive  through  the 
park.    '  No,  no,'  said  the  King,  '  we  cannot  do 
that ;  but  you  may  make  him  an  Irish  baron  A  case  of 

abuse. 

if  you  like  ;'  and  an  Irish  baron  he  was  made. 
This  is  a  ludicrous  instance  of  the  abuse  of 
honours  ;  but,  without  descending  into  particu- 
lars, which  would  be  a  very  invidious  mode  of 
procedure,  we  may  admit  that  the  British 
government  has  not,  for  several  generations, 
distinguished  itself  by  the  way  in  which  it 

G  2 


84  THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  HONOURS. 

CHAP.    ha§  exercised  the  high  prerogative  of  confer- 
"      •      '  ring  honours. 
Honours          There  is  a  foolish  notion  that,  as  civilization 

not  less 

wanted  as    advances,  honours  are  less  coveted,  and  are 

civilization 

advances.    less  potent     This  is  an  entire  mistake. 

The  first  Napoleon,  whatever  his  demerits 
may  have  been,  was  a  man  who,  it  must  be 
admitted,  knew  something  of  the  world. 

There  is  a  memorable  observation  of  his, 
Napo-        on  one  Sunday  afternoon,  when  he  heard  the 

Icon's  opi- 
nion on       church  bells  ringing1,  and  when  he  said  that 

honours. 

*  Religion  and  honours  were  the  two  things 
by  which  mankind  may  be  governed  ' —  an 
assertion  which,  I  think,  will  not  be  disputed 
by  those  who  have  had  much  converse  with 
their  fellow-men. 
Abuse  of  I  shall  take  a  peculiar  mode  of  expressing1 

them  illus- 
trated.       all  l  think  with  regard  to  the  abuses  at  present 

existing  in  the  distribution  of  honours,  illus- 
trating my  meaning  by  four  fables.  The  first 
will  be  from  that  eminent  fabulist,  the  Rus- 
sian Krilof.  1  he  other  fables  are  from  a 
very  inferior  hand. 

Krilof s  Krilof  tells  us,  that  the  eagle  promoted  a 

cuckoo   to   the   rank    of   nightingale.      The 


THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  HONOURS.  85 

cuckoo  undertook  its  part,  and  sang  accord-    CHAP. 

VIII. 

ingly.     The  other  birds  fled  away  in  disgust,  s 

1111  •  Cuckoo 

or  were  convulsed  by  that  twittering  which  and 
corresponds  to  human  laughter. 

The  cuckoo  complained  to  the  eagle,  and 
said,  '  I  have  been  appointed  nightingale  to 
these  woods,  and  yet  the  birds  dare  to  twitter 
at  my  singing/ 

The  eagle  replied,  '  I  am  a  king,  but  I  am 
not  God.  I  can  order  a  cuckoo  to  be  styled 
a  nightingale,  but  to  make  a  nightingale  out 
of  a  cuckoo — that  I  cannot  do/  l 

I  now  proceed  to  give  some  fables  of  the  The 
English    author.     There   was    a   boar    who  some  boar, 
rooted  up  his  master's  pastures.     The  farmer 
resolved  to  put  a  stop  to  this,  by  putting  a 
ring  in  the  nose  of  the  boar.     This  was  soon 
done;  and  though  the  animal  made  a  great 
noise  about  the  operation,  it  was  not  more 
painful    than   putting   ear-rings  into   a  girl's 
ears — a  common  practice  in  nations  not  sup- 
posed to  be  barbarous. 

The  boar  was  very  proud  of  his  nose- ring, 

1  Krilof  and  his  Fables,  by  W.  Ralston,  of  the  British 
Museum.     Strahan  and  Co..  1871. 


86  THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  HONOURS. 


CHAP,     and  told  the  other  denizens  of  the  farmyard 

VIII. 

^ — f~  '  that   he   was  the  only  animal  among  them 
worthy  of  being  thus  decorated. 

When,  however,  the  boar  was  driven  into 
the  open  pastures,  he  found  that  he  was  un- 
able to  get  at  the  sweet  roots,  and  must 
content  himself  with  what  he  found  on  the 
surface. 

Now  swine  are  very  clever  creatures,  and 
the  boar  said  to  himself,  '  I  see  why  they 
gave  me  this  odious  nose-ring.  It  was  not 
for  honour,  but  to  prevent  me  from  rooting  in 
the  fields  so  much/ 

Therein  he  was  wiser  than  many  men,  who 

do  not  perceive  that  honours  are   conferred 

upon  them,  to  prevent  them  from  continuing 

to  be  as  troublesome  and  mischievous  as  they 

have  hitherto  proved  themselves  to  be. 

Fable  of          The  next  fable  is  this.     On  an  island,  which 

and  his       has  been  a  long  time  discovered,  but  of  which 

counsel- 
lors. I   forget   the  name,   there    was   a  simpleton, 

who  had  been  blessed  with  a  clever  grand- 
father, and  a  prudent  father  ;  so,  that  when  the 
father  died,  that  simpleton  possessed  many 
bags  of  gold.  Whereupon  the  king  of  the 


THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  HONOURS.  87 

island  said,  '  Bring  me  the  pebble  that  shines  CHAP. 
like  a  star,  and  I  will  tie  it  on  his  arm,  and  he  ^~  •  ' 
shall  be  one  of  my  counsellors.'  '  Nay,  but 
his  wisdom  is  of  little  account/  said  one  of 
the  wisest  and  the  most  daring  of  the  king's 
counsellors.  '  Who  am  I,'  replied  the  king, 
'  that  I  should  contend  with  Providence  ? 
It  is  wise  to  favour  those  whom  the  gods 
favour.  Besides,  if  I  do  not  sometimes  call 
a  simpleton  to  my  councils,  how  shall  I  know 
what  the  other  simpletons  think  ?  And  they 
are  numerous  in  my  kingdom,  and  must  be 
cared  for.' 

The  fourth  fable  is  this.    In  remote  Thibet  The  wan. 

dering 

there  was  a  wandering  tribe.  As  they  lived  tribe. 
chiefly  on  milk  and  honey,  and  moved  ever 
into  fresher  air,  they  lived  very  long  lives. 
They  had  also  a  great  respect  for  old  age. 
But  the  destroyer,  Time,  is  not  to  be  baulked 
of  his  labours;  and,  even  in  this  wandering 
tribe,  as  men  grew  old,  they  became  less 
vigorous,  or  less  wise,  or  less  able  to  express 
their  wisdom. 

Their  wanderings  were  confined  to  a  nar- 
rower circle.     They  trod  over  again  the  same 


88  THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  HONOURS. 

CHAP,    ground ;  and  there  was  scarcity  in  the  camp 
— • — '  for  them  and  their  herds. 

A  secret  council  was  held  by  the  young  and 
the  middle-aged  members  of  the  tribe,  where- 
upon a  shrewd  man  arose  and  said,  '  Let  us 
always  pay  honour  to  our  grandfathers,  but 
let  us  not  be  starved  by  them.  There  is  a 
herb  in  the  plains,  from  which  a  beautiful 
blue  juice  may  be  extracted.  Let  us  make 
long  robes,  from  the  wool  of  our  flocks,  and 
colour  them  with  the  juice  of  this  herb.  Then 
let  us  put  these  robes  of  honour  on  the  old 
men  of  the  tribe  whose  wisdom  is  failing,  or 
who  can  only  mutter  forth  their  wisdom  indis- 
tinctly, so  that  we  do  not  know  what  it  means. 
When  they  have  their  long  blue  robes,  they 
will  not  like  to  go  through  the  bushes  and  the 
brambles,  but  will  stay  at  home,  with  the 
women  in  the  camp  ;  and  when  we  have  found 
a  new  camping  place,  we  can  come  back  for 
them.  Thus  they  will  receive  all  due  honour, 
and  will  not  be  an  incumbrance  upon  our 
Common  movements/ 

for  be-  These   four   fables    indicate   the   spirit   in 

honours,      which  honours  have  too  often  been  granted  by 


THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  HONOURS.  89 

all   modern  governments.     There  is  honour    CHAP. 

VIII. 

given  to  one  man  from  pure  favour,  without  '  -  -  —  " 
any  pretence  of  merit  on  his  part,  as  when  Favour. 
the  cuckoo  was  appointed   by  the  eagle  to 
be  nightingale  of  the   woods  ;   but  notwith- 
standing the  favour  of  the  eagle,  the  cuckoo 
could  not  sing. 

There    is  honour  conferred  upon  another  Fear. 
because  he  is  tiresome,  and,  like  the  boar  in 
the  fable,    is    apt    to  injure  his  master   by 
rooting  too  much. 

There  is  honour  conferred  upon  a  third,  Riches. 
however  small  may  be  his  deserts,  merely 
because  he  is  rich.  Now  when  Reynard 
the  Fox  said  that  *  Gold  lends  mighty  force  to 
words,'  1  there  was  great  truth  in  the  remark, 
as  in  most  of  Reynard's  sayings.  But  what 
he  meant  was,  that  gold  should  accompany 
the  words,  and  not  merely  be  uttered  by 
those  who  profess  much  gold,  and  retain  it. 

To  a  fourth,  an   honour  is  given  because  Age. 
he    is    old  and  worn   out,   and  his  place  is 
wanted  for  a  wiser  and  stronger  man  ;  or,  as 


1  „ 


9Zarf;brurf  fottte  bag  ®elb  ben  SBorten  fcerletyen. 


90  THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  HONOURS. 

CHAP,    it  often  happens,  not  for  a  wiser  and  stronger 

' •      '  man,  but  for  one  who  can  adapt  himself  to 

the  new  creed,  whatever  that  may  be. 

To  such  a  length  has  this  last  mode  of 
giving  honour  gone,  that  a  humorous  person 
whom  I  know  is  wont  to  say  *  Though  a 
sickly  man,  I  think  I  have  some  twenty  years 
of  life  and  work  in  me ;  but  if  the  govern- 
ment, of  the  day  were  to  offer  me  an  honour, 
I  should  go  home  to  bed,  and  prepare  for 
death  ;  for  I  should  know  that  my  physician 
had  betrayed  me  to  them,  and  that  he  had 
discerned  in  me  a  likelihood  of  rapid  failure 
of  the  vital  p'owers.  Otherwise,  this  honour 
would  not  have  been  offered  to  me.  I  am  a 
meek  man,  and  not  willing  to  resist,  when  a 
decision,  almost  as  sure  as  fate,  has  been 
pronounced  upon  me/ 

I  have  dealt  with  this  subject  somewhat 
playfully ;  for,  though  it  is  a  Very  serious 
matter,  it  will  insist  upon  presenting  itself  to 
me  in  a  somewhat  ludicrous  light.  I  might 
have  given  another  instance,  in  which  some 
great  personage  being  received  as  a  guest  at 
a  banquet,  given  by  one  who  is  accustomed  to 


THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  HONOURS.  91 


give  good  cheer,  forthwith  rewards  his  en-     CHAP. 
r     .  ,  .  ,  VIIL 

tertamer  by  conferring  upon  him  an  honour.     - — , — - 

Now  to   speak   most  seriously,   all   these 'Detri- 
mental 
modes   of  conferring  honour  are  a  thorough  honours. 

detriment,  and  an  abiding  disgrace  to  govern- 
ment. The  disgrace  will  be  easily  perceived 
by  all  thoughtful  people ;  but  the  detriment 
is  not  quite  so  clear.  What,  however,  we 
want  in  the  award  of  honours  is,  that  it 
should  be  an  aid  and  an  encouragement  to 
men  in  the  full  possession  of  their  powers  of 
mind  and  body ;  should  be  made  without 
fear  or  favour ;  should  not  be  used  as  a  gag  How 

honours 

to  silence  the  tiresome,  or  as  a  clog  to  slacken  should  not 

be  used. 

the  pace  of  those  who  are  prone  to  be  too 
swift  in  their  recklessness ;  should  not  be 
employed  as  a  bribe,  to  make  men  pleasantly 
resign  offices,  for  which,  from  age  or  other 
causes,  they  are  unfit  or  are  supposed  to  be 
unfit ;  but  that  it  should  be  made  according 
to  some  principles  of  justice,  and  be  so  widely 
as  well  as  impartially  granted,  that  it  should 
tend  to  adorn,  dignify,  and  combine  together, 
for  the  public  good,  the  most  deserving  men 
throughout  this  vast  empire. 


92  THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  HONOURS. 

CHAP.  I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  the  recognition 
'  '  of  a  man's  services,  however  tardy,  is  not 
a  good  and  desirable  thing,  as  being  an  ex- 
pression of  gratitude.  Looking,  however,  at 
the  matter  from  the  point  of  view  that  a 
statesman  should  take,  it  seems,  that  an 
honour  should  not  only  be  a  recognition  of 
past  services,  but  that  it  should  also  give 
increased  weight  and  influence  to  a  man,  who 
will  continue  to  be  of  service  to  the  State. 
Advantage  I  cannot  conclude  this  chapter  without 

of  a  right 

system.  mentioning  •  two  important  indirect  advan- 
tages which  would  follow  from  a  liberal  and 
judicious  system  of  awarding  honours. 

The  first  advantage  would  be,  that  due  en- 
couragement would  be  given  to  various  kinds 
of  merit  and  eminence.  At  present,  that 
qualification  which  is  chiefly  rewarded  and 
honoured  in  this  country  is  the  power  of 
public  speaking. 

Evils  of  a        Two  evils  proceed  from  this  narrow  system 

system.       of  reward  and  honour. 

In  the  first  place,  this  talent  of  public 
speaking  is  inordinately  encouraged ;  and 
men  rise  to  power  who  do  not  possess  some 


THE  DISTRIBUTION  OF  HONOURS.  93 

of  the  most  important  qualifications  for  mak-     CHAP. 
ing  a  good   use  of  power.     The  second  evil  ^~ •      ' 
is,  that  other  qualifications  are  discouraged, 
and  that  many  men  are  led  to  undertake  a 
career  for  which  they  are  not  fitted;  while 
they  neglect  a  career  in  which  they  might 
have  done  good  service  to  the  world. 

The  other  great  advantage,  which  would 
accrue  from  a  more  judicious  mode  of  distri- 
buting honours,  is  of  a  thoroughly  indirect 
character,  but  not  on  that  account  of  less 
importance.  It  were  to  be  wished,  that  a  Seats  in 

T»      i-  1*11  Parlia- 

seat  in  Parliament  were  not  so  desirable  an  ment. 
object,  from  a  social  point  of  view,  as  it  cer- 
tainly has  become.  There  are  some  men 
who  have  attained  to  eminence  in  pursuits 
very  foreign  to  Parliamentary  life,  but  are 
not,  on  that  account,  unfitted  for  it.  They 
are  men  who  take  a  very  wide  interest  in 
human  affairs,  and  bring  all  their  special 
knowledge  to  bear  upon  questions  of  legisla- 
tion. They  seldom  shine  in  debate  ;  but 
they  are  pre-eminent  in  committees ;  and, 
though  not  '  to  the  manner  born/  they  often 
prove  to  be  most  valuable  members  of  Parlia- 


94  THE  DISTRIBUTION   OF  HONOURS. 


ment.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  there  are 
those  who,  whether  from  the  possession  of 
large  tracts  of  land,  or  great  riches,  or 
perhaps  by  the  exercise  of  qualities,  which  in 
no  respect  fit  them  to  become  legislators, 
have  become  notable,  and  who  seek  a  seat  in 
Parliament,  merely  in  order  to  put  a  seal,  as 
it  were,  upon  the  position  they  have  attained 
in  other  pursuits.  They  would,  probably, 
not  be  so  ardent  in  the  pursuit  of  this  form 
of  distinction,  if  other  forms  were  open  to 
them. 
Political  Very  serious  political  consequences  follow 

evils  cre- 
ated,         upon  this  state  of  things.      A  number  of  men 

are  introduced  into  Parliament,  who,  accord- 
ing to  the  hypothesis,  have  no  especial  claim 
to  be  there^  and  who  occupy  the  place,  we 
will  not  say  of  better  men,  but  of  men  better 
trained  to  fill  that  position. 
Demand  A  still  graver  consequence  follows.  The 

for  seats 

in  Pariia-    demand  for  seats  in  Parliament  becomes  ex- 

inent  ex- 
cessive,      cessive  in    reference    to    the   supply.      It  in- 
evitably follows,   that  the  person  wishing  to 
be   elected    is    prone  to   make  unreasonable 
concessions  to  every  wish  of  the  electors,  and 


THE  DISTRIBUTION   OF  HONOURS.  95 

not  only  of  the  electors  as  a  body,  but  to  any    CHAP. 
*    m  *      vin. 

small  section  of  electors  which  has  any  par-  *- — •      ' 

ticular  crotchet  to  further,  or  self-interest  to 
serve,  thereby  the  candidate  is  in  imminent 
danger  of  becoming  a  delegate  rather  than 
representative. 

I  suppose  that  it  will  be  admitted  by  all  The  true 
those  persons  who  have  studied  representa-  between 

.  .  .  electors 

tive  government,  that  there  is,  speaking  in  and  eiec- 
the  abstract,  a  certain  relation  which  might 
subsist  between  the  electors  and  the  elected, 
which  would  be  perfect  of  its  kind.  Such  a 
relation  would  give  a  due  influence  to  the 
electors,  while  it  would  preserve  the  enormous 
benefit  to  be  derived  by  the  comparatively 
unfettered  thought  of  an  able  man,  being 
brought  to  bear  upon  political  questions. 

It  may  well  be  doubted  whether  the  elector 
has  not  now  too  potent  an  influence  over  the 
candidate,  or  over  the  elected  person  ;  and 
whether,  thereby,  there  is  not  some  fear  lest 
we  should  dwarf  the  reasonable  independence 
of  thought  and  action  which  is  essential  to 
the  making  of  a  good  representative  ? 


CHAPTER   IX. 

COUNCILS,     COMMISSIONS,    BOARDS,    AND     OTHER 
SIMILAR    AIDS    TO    GOVERNMENT. 

CHAP.  r  I  "HERE  is  hardly  a  more  difficult  thing 
"- — • — *  JL  connected  with  government,  than  to 
The  use  of  make  good  use  of  these  aids  to  administra- 

councils.          .  . 

tion.  I  here  are  certain  matters  which  are 
best  treated  by  the  clear  decisiveness  of  one 
man,  while  there  are  others  which  are 
decidedly  best  treated  by  conjoint  counsel, 
or  after  having  been  submitted  to  a  council. 

In  affairs  of  much  perplexity  and  variety 
of  circumstances,  it  very  rarely  happens  that 
any  one  man  is  master  of  all  the  facts,  and 
all  the  circumstances,  which  are  needful  to 
be  known  in  order  to  arrive  at  an  exhaustive 
result 

Moreover,  in  matters  wherein  there  is 
danger  of  much  odium,  whatever  determina- 
tion may  be  arrived  at,  it  certainly  elicits 


AIDS  TO  GOVERNMENT.  97 


boldness  of  decision  to  act  by  means  of  a 
council  or  commission.  The  well-known 
passage  in  the  Bible,  *  In  a  multitude  of  A  text 

P         ,     .  r  .       often  mis- 

COUnsellorS    there    is    safety,     has   frequently  appre- 
hended, 
been   misconstrued.      It  does  not   allude  to 

the  safety  of  the  counsel,  but  of  the  coun- 
sellors. 

In  a  council,  a  timid  man  will  be  bold,  or, 
at  any  rate,  so  far  bold  that  he  will  be  willing 
to  take  his  full  share  of  responsibility  as  one 
of  a  number ;  whereas,  if  he  were  the  sole 
person  to  decide,  he  might  be  oppressed  by 
the  sense  of  responsibility,  and  endeavour  to 
evade  coming  to  any  decision  at  all. 

There  are  two  principal  heads  under  which  TWO  kinds 

•1  11  i         /~\  !••  «      i        of  council: 

councils  may  be  classed.     One  in  which  the  executive 
council  is  executive,  and  has  not  only  a  final 
decision  in  any  matter  submitted  to  it,  but 
subsists  as  a  permanent  body ;  the  other  in  and  om- 
which  the  council  is  purely  consultative,  and 
has  only  to  give  advice. 

Moreover,  there  are  other  characteristics 
which  tend  to  cause  considerable  differences 
in  the  constitution  and  functions  of  council, 


98  COUNCILS,   COMMISSIONS,  BOARDS,  AND 

whether  executive  or  consultative.  A  council 
may  be  representative  as  well  as  executive. 
Again,  it  may  only  have  to  decide  upon  some 
particular  act  to  be  done  by  it,  but  may  not 
have  to  continue  as  an  executive  body  in 
directing  all  the  work  that  has  to  follow  from 
that  one  act. 
Special  Great  attention  should  be  paid  to  the 

nature  to 

be  noted,  special  nature  of  the  council,  by  those  who 
have  to  call  it  together,  and  to  profit  by  its 
counsels.  For  example,  in  a  purely  consul- 
tative council,  it  will  be  found  that  the 
counsellors  will  be  prone  to  ignore  difficul- 
ties in  action,  and  will  recommend  courses  of 
conduct,  which  they  might  hesitate  to  recom- 
mend if  they  were  the  persons  who  would 
have  to  carry  into  effect  their  own  recom- 
mendations. 

Tendency        Again,  a  representative  council  will  natu- 

of  repre- 
sentative    rally   have    (whether    consciously    or    uncon- 

councils. 

sciously)  an  inclination  to  accommodate  its 
proceedings  to  the  state  of  knowledge  and 
opinion  of  the  outer  world  ;  and  each  coun- 
sellor will  be  prone  to  give  advice,  of  such  a 


OTHER  SIMILAR  AIDS  TO  GOVERNMENT..  99 

nature  as  those  whom  he  represents  would 
wish  him  to  give.  Doubtless  this  leaning 
towards  the  outer  world  will  be  greater  or 
smaller,  according  to  the  more  or  less  pub- 
licity given  to  the  proceedings  of  the  council. 

In  any  council,  you  will  have  a  great  chance 
of  hearing,  not  only  what  is  best  to  be  done, 
but  what  can  be  done  with  reference  to  the 
state  of  public  feeling  and  opinion.  You  will 
have  the  opportunity  of  hearing  what  unwise 
persons  may  think,  or  have  to  say  about  the 
matter  in  question  ;  and  therein  even  a  fool- 
ish, obstinate,  argumentative,  or  perverse 
person  may  be  very  useful,  and  his  presence 
in  the  council  may  be  of  much  worth  and 
significance. 

Altogether,  there  are  immense  advantages  Advantage 
to  be  derived   from   councils ;  but  these  ad-  from 

•11          11          1-11  councils. 

vantages  will  only  be  derived  by  those  per- 
sons who  know  how  to  make  the  proper  use 
of  them.  It  is  a  sign  of  great  weakness  in  a 
government,  when  it  submits  too  much  of  its 
current  business  to  councils,  commissions,  or 
bodies  of  a  like  nature ;  and  it  should  be 

H  2 


100  COUNCILS,   COMMISSIONS,  BOARDS,  AND 

CHAP,    carefully  noted  what  kind  of  business  is  fit 

IX. 

v~~  •  ~"  to  be  submitted  to  the  arbitrament  of  a 
council.  The  business  should  rather  be  of 
that  nature  which  involves  principles  to  be 
considered  or  rules  to  be  determined.  A 
council  is  a  very  unfit  body  to  determine 
questions  of  language  or  expression ;  and  will 
waste  any  amount  of  time  in  vain  attempts 
to  insure  great  nicety  and  accuracy  of  expres- 
sion. That  kind  of  work  is  seldom  well 
done  except  by  one  man ;  and  even  the  great 
masters  of  language  require,  while  they  are 
working,  to  be  undisturbed  and  unfettered  by 
criticism,  and  to  be  able  to  deal  with  the 
matter  as  a  whole.  No  man  expresses  any- 
thing exactly  like  another  man ;  and  if  you 
wish  a  document  to  have  a  certain  clearness 
and  completeness  in  its  expression,  it  should, 
if  possible,  be  drawn  up  by  one  person,  or  at 
least  be  finally  submitted  to  one  person,  as 
far  as  the  language  is  concerned. 

Charac-          In  the  conduct  of  councils  there  are  several 

teristics  to 

be  noted,  things  to  be  observed  by  those  who -would 
make  judicious  use  of  such  bodies,  and  espe- 
cially by  those  who  are  placed  at  the  head 


ment. 


OTHER  SIMILAR  AIDS  TO   GOVERNMENT.  IOI 

of  them.     In  this  world  so  many  things  are    CHAP. 
decided    by   fatigue.       The   council,   if    not  s — « — -' 
guided  by  a  skilful  person  in  its  discussions,  Fatigue 

an  impor- 

will  waste  its  time  upon  minor  points,  and  in 
combating  the  unreason  or  the  argumenta- 
tiveness,  of  some  one  or  more  of  its  members  ; 
and  then,  at  the  last,  a  hasty  decision  has  to 
be  formed,  which  may  be  anything  but  the 
wisest  which  could  be  formed.  Lord  Bacon 
has  given  the  world  an  essay  on  councils, 
full,  as  might  be  expected,  of  valuable 
thought,  and  not  disdaining  to  discuss  points 
apparently  somewhat  insignificant,  such  as 
the  shape  and  size  of  the  council  table ;  but 
he  does  not  notice  the  effect  of  weariness. 
This  omission  may  be  accounted  for  by  the 
greater  powers  of  endurance  of  our  ancestors, 
who,  moreover,  were  trained  to  listen  to  long 
discourses  patiently,  and  were  not  so  much 
oppressed  by  a  variety  of  business  as  we,  the 
men  of  the  present  generation,  are.  With  us 
I  doubt  not  that  the  effect  of  weariness  is 
one  of  the  main  elements  of  decision  in  any 
assemblage  of  men. 

Then,  there  is  always  the  difficulty  of  eli- 


102  COUNCILS,   COMMISSIONS,  BOARDS,  AND 

CHAP,  citing  the  opinions  of  those  members  of  the 
"- — •  '  council,  who  are  very  reserved  and  modest 
in  the  expression  of  their  opinions.  I  have 
known  instances  in  which  the  man,  most  fitted 
to  direct  the  council,  has  not  once  had  an 
opportunity  of  fairly  bringing  forward  what 
he  has  thought  and  felt  upon  the  matter  in 
question.  And  that,  too,  in  a  council,  com- 
mission, or  board,  which  has  sat  for  many 
days  to  consider  the  particular  question.  A 
man  of  the  kind  I  mean,  has  strong  and  clear 
opinions ;  but  is  of  a  modest  and  retiring 
nature.  In  the  course  of  the  discussions  he 
ascertains,  or  rather  thinks  that  he  ascertains, 
that  his  views  will  not  meet  with  any  response 
from  his  colleagues  ;  and,  accordingly,  he  is 
entirely  silent  about  them.  It  is  especially 
the  business  of  the  chairman,  or  leading  person 
in  the  council,  to  take  care  that  the  views 
and  opinions  of  these  reserved  persons  should 
Choice  of  not  fail  to  be  brought  forward.  It  often 
man.  happens  that  the  best  choice  of  a  chairman  is 
to  be  made  by  selecting  one  who,  perhaps, 
is  not  particularly  cognizant  of  the  matter  in 
hand ;  but  who  is  skilful  in  discerning  charac- 


OTHER  SIMILAR  AIDS   TO   GOVERNMENT.  103 

ter,  and  has  the  tact  and  judgment  necessary 
for  eliciting  fully  the  opinions  of  all  those 
over  whom  he  presides.  This  is  especially 
necessary  when  the  councils  or  such  like 
bodies  are  of  a  temporary  character ;  but  it  is 
also  requisite  in  permanent  Boards.  A  man 
may  have  had  a  place  in  such  a  Board  for 
many  years,  and  yet  never  have  given  an 
entirely  unreserved  opinion  upon  the  matters 
that  have  come  before  him  in  that  conjoint 
capacity. 

There  is  another  point  of  practice  to  be  Sections 

of  councils 

considered  in  reference  to  permanent  Boards,  should  in- 

»  m  terchange 

In  order  to  facilitate  the  transaction  of  busi-  duties, 
ness,  special  matters  are  entrusted  to  par- 
ticular sections  of  these  Bodies.  If  this 
practice  is  made  absolute,  and  there  is  no 
interchange  of  duties,  much  of  the  value  of 
a  council,  or  other  governing  body,  may  be 
lost  The  head  of  the  Department  should 
take  care  to  vary  the  duties  of  these  sections, 
and  occasionally  to  contrive  to  obtain  that 
diversity  of  opinion  upon  important  matters, 
which  prevents  their  falling  into  a  course  of 
abject  routine,  as  will  be  the  case  if  the  same 


104  COUNCILS,  COMMISSIONS,  BOARDS,  AND 

CHAP,    class  of  subjects  is  always  submitted  to  the 

IX. 

' — • — '  same  section  of  the  Board. 

In  the  construction  of  councils  there  is  a 
practice  frequently  to  be  observed  which 
seems  to  me  most  objectionable,  and  that  is, 

Ex-offido    the  placing  a  number  of  ex-officio  counsellors 

members 

of  council    on  the  council.      1   suppose  there  must    be 

of  little 

advantage,  some  advantage  in  this  proceeding,  as  it  has 
been  adopted  in  all  ages,  and  by  most  nations. 
But  it  seems  to  me  to  be  one  of  those  timid, 
insincere  modes  of  action,  which  are  sure  to 
lead  to  unfavourable  results,  even  though  it 
may  be  difficult  to  point  out  the  exact  nature 
of  the  injury  done.  There  are,  however, 
two  manifest  objections  to  this  mode  of  pro- 
cedure. One  is,  that  the  responsibility  of  the 
acting  few  must  thereby  be  diminished ;  and 
the  other  is,  that  fit  men  are  kept  out  of  the 
council,  because  it  appears  already  to  be 
sufficiently  large. 

There  is  another  remark  which  I  will  ven- 
ture to  make  in  reference  to  almost  all 
councils,  and  other  similar  Bodies,  called  to- 
gether to  deliberate  or  direct.  This  is,  that, 
as  a  general  rule,  these  Bodies  should  not  be 


OTHER  SIMILAR  AIDS  TO  GOVERNMENT.  105 

unpaid.     Payment,  even  of  very  small  sums,     CHAP. 
inevitably  carries  with  it  an  increase  of  re-  ' — •-—  • 
sponsibility.      In  some  great  central  sun   it 
may  be  possible  to  get  the  best  work  done 
gratuitously;    but   in    the    minor    planetary 
bodies,  such  as  our  Earth,  I  doubt  whether 
this  can  ever  be  accomplished.     I  have  said 
'  the  best  work '  advisedly,  for  I  do  not  doubt 
that  work  can  often  be  moderately  well  done 
without  any  payment  being  made  for  it 

In  fine,  the  utility  of  councils  maybe  divined  Special 

utility 

from  this  one  fact — that  no  one  man  is  as  of  coun- 
cils. 
wise  as  all  other  men,  or  even  as  any  four  or 

five  other  men.  He  may  be  swifter,  he  may 
be  more  decisive,  but  he  is  never  so  compre- 
hensive and  so  various.  From  the  earliest 
ages  to  the  present  time  there  have  always 
been  councils  and  similar  aids  to  government ; 
and  there  never  will  be  any  form  of  govern- 
ment, to  the  aid  and  enlightenment  of  which 
such  bodies  will  not  be  summoned.  He 
who  knows  how  to  make  good  use  of  them, 
and  how,  as  much  as  possible,  to  avoid  a 
certain  weakness  and  dilatoriness  inherent  in 
them,  will  show  forth  one  of  the  greatest 


IO6  COUNCILS,   COMMISSIONS,  BOARDS,   AND 

CHAP,    merits  which  a  statesman  can  possess.      He 

IX. 

"-  • '  cannot  see  and  listen  to  the  whole  world ; 
but,  by  making  use  of  councils,  he  may  attain 
to  something  of  a  cosmopolitan  view,  or,  at 
any  rate,  may  learn  the  views,  wishes,  and 
opinions  of  large  bodies  of  his  fellow-men. 
If  he  is  very  skilful,  he  may  combine  the 
advantages  of  varied  thought  and  conjoint 
action,  with  somewhat  of  the  singleness  of 
purpose,  and  the  directness  of  executive 
action,  which  are  the  property  of  an  individual 
ruler. 

Machia-          There    is    a     chapter     in     Machiavelli's 
ciassifiea-    '  Prince/    in    which    he    treats,    in  his    lucid 

tion  of 

intellects,  manner,  of  the  qualifications  which  should 
be  found  in  the  secretaries  and  ministers  of 
princes.  In  the  course  of  that  chapter  he 
makes  the  following  general  remark : — 
*  There  are  three  kinds  of  intellects  :  one 
kind  understands  by  its  own  insight;  the 
second  discerns  those  things  which  another 
understands ;  and  the  third  neither  under- 
stands of  its  own  accord,  nor  by  the  demon- 
stration made  by  another  person  :  the  first 
kind  of  intellect  is  most  excellent,  the  second 


OTHER  SIMILAR  AIDS  TO  GOVERNMENT.  107 

excellent,  the  third  useless/ x     The  foregoing     CHAP. 

IX. 

is  not  an  ill-arranged  division  of  intellects ;  "  ~~r~~ 
but  I  venture  to  think  that  certain  additions 
might  be  made  to  it,  or,  at  any  rate,  certain 
sub-divisions  might  be  introduced.     For  in-  Might 
stance,  there  is  the  intellect  which  combines  enlarged. 
the  advantages  of  the  two  former  of  Machia- 
velli's    classes — namely,   the   intellect    which 
can  discern  very  well,  by  its  own  force  and 
insight,  but  is  also  equally  skilled  in  seizing 
at  once,  and  benefitting  by  what  Machiavelli 
calls  the  *  demonstration '  of  others.     Again, 
there  is,  certainly,  the  intellect  which,  however 
powerful,  and  justly  coming  within  the  first 
class,    is  affected   by  that   peculiar   want   of 
sympathy  which  makes    it   prone  to    reject, 
at  once,  whatever  is  offered  by  another  mind. 
The   former   of   these   two    subdivisions    of 
intellect  will  make  the  proper  use   of  coun- 
cils as  of  the  individual  intellects  with  which 

1  E  perche  sono  di  tre  generazioni  cervelli  :  Tuno 
intende  per  se ;  T  altro  discerne  quelli  che  altri  intende  ; 
e  il  terzo  non  intende  per  se  stesso,  ne  per  dimostrazione 
di  altri :  quel  primo  e  eccellentissimo,  il  secondo  eccel- 
lente,  il  terzo  inutile. — //  Principe,  cap.  xxii.,  De'  segre- 
tarj  de'  principi. 


108  COUNCILS,   COMMISSIONS,  BOARDS. 

CHAP,  it  may  be  brought  in  contact.  The  latter  is, 
• — • — '  for  the  most  part,  incapable  of  making  a  due 
use  of  other  men's  intellects ;  and,  in  the  pre- 
sent day,  when  the  range  of  a  statesman's 
vision  is  required  to  be  so  extensive,  and 
when  there  are  so  many  more  demands  upon 
his  time,  than  there  were  upon  the  time 
of  statesmen  in  former  days,  this  defect  will 
be  found  to  be  a  defect  of  the  most  serious 
nature. 


CHAPTER   X. 

THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL   OF  GREAT  BRITAIN. 

IT  seems  possible  that,  as  the  world  ad- 
vances, new  forms  of  government,  or,  as  I 
should  rather  say,  newly-constituted  bodies  of 
men  assembled  for  governing,-  may  be  devised 
or  adopted  according  to  the  needs  which, 
from  time  to  time,  may  arise  for  fresh  govern- 
ment material. 

Now  there  is  in  Great  Britain  a  most  ser- 
viceable body  of  men,  which  has  extensive 
functions  thrown  upon  it,  and  which  I  con- 
ceive has  hardly  ever  been  sufficiently  noted 
by  constitutional  historians.  I  mean  the 
Privy  Council.  I  do  not  know  that  in  any 
other  country  there  is  anything  exactly  ana- 
logous to  the  Privy  Council  of  England  ;  and 
there  have  been  occasions  of  danger  in  the 
histories  of  most  nations,  when  the  existence 
of  such  a  body  would  have  been  a  great 


New 
modes  of 
govern- 
ment pos- 
sible. 


Privy 
Council 
of  Great 
Britain, 


110  THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL   OF  GREAT  BRITAIN. 

CHAP,    safeguard  to   the    State — while    in  ordinary 
x. 

r     '   times,  it  would  have  been  of  great  service  to 

the  State.     If  we  look  at  the  constitution  of 

its  consti-    the  Privy  Council,  it  must  be  owned,  that  it 

tution. 

is  a  very  felicitous  one ;  and,  speaking  in 
the  abstract,  gives  promise  of  high  utility. 
Doubtless  its  constitution  was  not  designed 
to  be  what  it  is  now.;  but  the  thing  has 
grown  up  to  be  what  it  is,1  as  indeed  has 
happened  in  regard  to  several  of  the  most 
important  governing  bodies  in  Great  Britain. 
The  peculiar  felicity  of  the  constitution  of  the 

1  The  functions  of  the  Privy  Council  in  ancient  times 
were  not  very  dissimilar  from  those  which  are  performed 
by  it  at  the  present  time.  Those  functions  were  legis- 
lative, judicial,  and  administrative.  Sometimes,  as  Mr. 
Hallam  mentions,  the  Privy  Council  made  ordinances 
'  upon  request  of  the  Commons  in  Parliament,  who  felt 
themselves  better  qualified  to  state  a  grievance  than  to 
provide  a  remedy.'  It  was  in  the  constitution  of  the 
Board  that  it  differed  from  the  Council  of  modern  times. 
It  was  entirely  the  creature  of  the  King.  For  example, 
under  Edward  the  First,  the  Privy  Council  consisted  of 
his  Ministers  for  the  time  being,  including  the  King's  Ser- 
jeant, the  Attorney-General,  and  some  of  the  Judges. 
It  was  not  a  Council  retaining  in  its  body  those  persons 
who  had  filled  high  offices  of  State,  and  who,  in  its 
present  constitution,  are  not  displaced  because  theii 
party  is  gone  out  of  power. 


THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL   OF  GREAT  BRITAIN.  ill 

Privy  Council  consists  in  its  including  almost     CHAP. 

.X.. 

all  those  persons  who  have  borne  high  office  " — '  ' 
in  the  country.  We  have  in  it,  therefore,  a 
body  which  attaches  and  assimilates  to  itself 
the  most  tried,  if  not  the  most  capable,  men 
of  all  parties  that  have  in  turn  predominated 
in  the  State. 

Of  the  matters  that  come  before  govern-  Adminis- 
ment  to  be  decided,  there  is  perhaps  not  one  rarely  con- 

cerned 

in  a  hundred  that  is  of  a  purely  party  nature,  with  party 

questions. 

I  speak,  of  course,  of  administration,  and  not 
of  legislation.  But,  notwithstanding  that  the 
immense  majority  of  the  matters  in  question 
have  nothing  to  do  with  politics,  party  spirit 
would  often  be  suspected  to  be  concerned  in 
the  decision  of  them.  It  is,  therefore,  most 
useful  that  there  should  be  a  body,  formed  of  Benefit  of 

r  r       11  •  r  mixed 

the  best  men  of  business  of  all  parties,  from  commit- 
tees, 
amongst  whom  committees  may  be  chosen  to 

hear  and  decide  upon  many  of  the  vexed 
questions  of  the  day. 

The  power  of  calling  such  committees  into  They  are 

,  r  11         •  i  i         stiH  used. 

being,  has  by  no  means  fallen  into  desuetude ; 
and,  no  doubt,  it  must  give  much  satisfaction 
to  those  persons  whose  claims  are  decided  by 


112  THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN. 

CHAP,    the  Privy  Council,  to  perceive  that  their  cases 

/La 

'  *•"•  '  are  heard  before  committees  composed  of  men 
of  different  political  opinions. 

This,  however,  is  not  the  only  use  of  a 
Power  of     Privy  Council.     It  is  in  times  of  emergency 

the  Privy 

Council,  that  its  merits  are  most  fully  tested.  The 
great  art  of  government  would  be,  to  com- 
bine the  power  of  despotic  action  in  times  of 
emergency,  with  great  latitude  of  freedom  in 
ordinary  times.  A  State  is  very  poorly  off 
for  governing  power  which,  on  any  emer- 
gency, has  to  resort  to  the  cumbrous  expe- 
dient of  summoning  legislative  assemblies, 
and  waiting  to  act  in  accordance  with  their 
views.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  hardly  to 
be  expected,  especially  in  these  times,  when 
responsibility  is  dreaded  more  than  anything, 
that  'the  Executive/  as  it  is  called,  should 
act  with  the  necessary  speed  and  vigour  on 
occasions  of  great  danger  and  difficulty. 

its  high  It  is  then,  that,  before  all  things,  you  want 

a  consultative  body,  not  of  large  numbers, 
not  of  one  form  of  politics,  not  inexperienced 
in  business ;  but  which  has  the  power  to 
direct  the  immediate  execution  of  the  mea- 


THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL   OF  GREAT  BRITAIN.  113 

sures  it  may  resolve  to  take.     Such  a  body    CHAP 
Great  Britain  is  fortunate  enough  to  possess  "* — « — ' 
in  her  Privy  Council — a  body,  as  I  have  said 
before,  unknown  elsewhere  ;  and  it  is  to  be 
hoped  that  amidst  the  many  changes  which 
are  to  be  seen  in  these  times,  if  any  change 
is  to  be  made  in  the  Privy  Council,  it  may 
be  such  as  will   tend  to   strengthen,   rather 
than  to  weaken  that  important  body. 

There  is  an  improvement  which  might  be  Sugges- 
tions for 
made  in  the  constitution  of  the  Privy  Council ;  its  im- 

prove- 

and  that  is,  that  men  of  tried  capacity  among  ment- 
the  permanent  officers  of  government  should 
more  frequently  be  made  Privy  Councillors. 
And,  moreover,  I  venture  to  think  that  emi- 
nent men  from  our  Colonies,  and  those  who 
have  distinguished  themselves  in  colonial  ad- 
ministration as  civil  servants  of  the  Crown, 
should  occasionally  be  added  to  the  Privy 
Council. 

It  is  a  curious  thing  to  note,  to  how  many 
of  our  Sub-departments  the  Privy  Council 
has  been  the  nursing  mother.  As  civilization 
has  advanced,  new  objects  for  governmental 
effort  and  governmental  direction  have  arisen. 

I 


114  THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL   OF  GREAT  BRITAIN. 

CHAP.  The  matters  connected  with  these  objects 
have  been,  in  the  first  instance,  submitted  to 
the  Privy  Council  or  a  Committee  of  the 
Council.  As  the  objects  aimed  at  have  be- 
come more  extensive,  and  have  been  found 
to  be  in  consonance  with  the  wishes  of  the 
public,  the  business  relating  to  them  has 
greatly  increased.  Ultimately  it  has  been 
Origin  of  found  advisable  to  form  separate  Departments 

some  De-  . 

partments.  to  deal  with,  and  control  the  various  matters 
in  question.  This  is  the  origin  of  several 
Departments.  Doubtless  it  has  been  a  very 
advantageous  origin,  for  the  new  Depart- 
ment has  come  to  the  management  of  the 
subject  in  question  with  much  of  the  expe- 
rience that  has  been  gained  by  the  Privy 
Council,  and  yet  with  that  freshness  of  thought 
and  vigour  of  action  which  naturally  belong 
to  a  new  Department,  chosen  for  a  special 
purpose. 

In  what  I  have  said  above  respecting  the 
Privy  Council,  I  have  only  given  an  instance 
of  the  existence  of  a  governing  body  which 
is  happily  to  be  found  in  our  own  country, 
and  which  I  think  might  most  profitably  be 
adopted  in  other  countries. 


CHAPTER  XL 

ORGANIZATION. 

AM  ON  GST 'the  talents  imperatively  re- 
quired for  the  service  of  Government, 
first  and  foremost  is  the  talent  of  organization,  sidii  m 

organ  iza- 

This  talent,  in  its  various  degrees,  is  wanted  tion. 
for  all  kinds  of  government — from  the  govern- 
ment of  a  family  to  that  of  an  empire.     In  its 
highest  degree  it  is  exceedingly  rare.     There 
is  a  delusion,  as  I  think,  prevailing  amongst  Supposed 
mankind,  that  this  talent  belongs,  in  an  es-  to  certain 

.  races. 

pecial  degree,  to  certain  races.  Each  nation, 
perceiving  and  feeling  the  want  of  organiza- 
tion in  its  own  affairs,  is  apt,  with  becoming 
modesty,  to  suppose,  that  the  talent  in  ques- 
tion exists,  in  a  high  degree,  amongst  its 
neighbours,  and  is  exemplified  in  the  conduct 
of  their  affairs.  We  were  wont  to  imagine, 
and  boldly  to  state,  that  the  French  were 
especially  skilled  in  organization.  'They 


I  2 


1 1 6  ORGANIZA  TIGN. 


manage  these  things  much  better  in  France/ 
was  a  common  phrase  with  us.  But  when  the 
day  of  trial  came,  this  phrase  did  not  appear 
to  be  founded  on  fact.  We  are  no  wv  perhaps, 
inclined  to  believe,  that  the  Germans  are  the 
great  masters  of  this  art.  I  maintain,  how- 
Suppo-  ever,  that  skill  in  organization  does  not  belong 

sit  ion  erro- 
neous,        especially  to  any  race  ;  and  that,  when  any 

nation,  at  a  crisis  of  its  fortunes,  manifests 
great  organizing  skill,  it  is  in  consequence 
of  individuals,  blessed  with  the  possession  of 
such  skill,  being  brought  into  positions  of 
great  power  and  sway.  It  would  probably 
be  as  unwise  to  conclude,  that  any  race  of 
men  will  of  necessity  produce  great  poets  as 
that  it  will  produce  skilful  organizers. 
Qualities  For,  consider  what  a  rare  combination  of 

of  a  great 

organizer,  qualities  must  exist  in  any  person  who  is  to 
show  forth  great  skill  in  organization  !  He 
must  have  the  imaginative  faculty  developed 
in  equal  proportion  with  the  practical  faculty. 
He  has,  at  the  same  time,  to  be  apprehensive 
and  courageous ;  fond  of  details  and  keen  in 
discerning  principles  ;  a  subtle  observer  of 
his  fellow-men,  who  withal  does  not  permit 


ORGANIZATION.  117 


his  subtlety  of  observation  to  lead  him  away  CHAP. 
from  the  sure  conclusion,  that  men  chiefly  act  <~~1 — 
upon  the  most  common-place  and  ordinary 
motives.  He  must  look  far  forward,  and 
must  be  thoroughly  aware,  that  men  are  very 
trying  and  provoking  beings  ;  and  that,  in 
any  long  course  of  action  which  he  may 
design  for  them,  they  will  be  sure  to  do 
something  which  it  was  intended  they  should 
not  do,  or  to  omit  doing  something  which  it 
was  intended  they  should  do.  Again,  and 
this  is  perhaps  the  rarest  combination  of  all, 
he  who  has  to  become  a  skilful  organizer, 
must  be  familiar  with  the  state  of  facts  he 
has  to  work  upon,  and  yet  keep  himself  free 
from  that  dangerous  inadvertence,  and  that 
easy  contentment  with  the  customary  mode 
of  doing  things,  both  of  which  evils  naturally 
belong  to  this  familiarity. 

This  combination  of  qualities  will  not  be  Their 

combina- 

found  common  in  any  race  of  mankind,  and  tionmost 

rare. 

can  only  be  looked  for,  in  any  high  degree, 
in  certain  gifted  individuals. 

How  rare  these  individuals  are,  may  be 
inferred  from  the  fact  that  defects  in  orga- 


T  1 8  ORGANIZA  TION. 


nization  are  equally  to  be  discerned  in  the 
management  of  men's  pleasures,  as  in  the 
conduct  of  their  business.  This  is  a  most 
important  fact  to  notice.  If,  on  the  contrary, 
it  were  to  be  seen  that  men  were  clever  in 
making  arrangements  for  their  pleasures — 
in  organizing  these  well — and  yet,  at  the 
same  time,  their  national  affairs  were  ob- 
served to  be  ill-organized,  we  might  then 
conclude,  that  organizing  skill  was  plentiful, 
but  that,  somehow  or  other,  the  government 
failed  to  attract  that  skill  to  itself. 

But  this  is  not  the  case,  I  believe,  in  any 

country,  and  certainly  not  in  our  own  country. 

its  want      Take,  for  instance,  a  very  familiar  example  ; 

seen  in 

places  of     and  such  a  statement  as  I  have  made  above 

entertain- 
ment,        may  most  convincingly  be  illustrated  by  some 

familiar  example  :  observe  what  utter  want 
of  organization  is  shown  in  the  dispersion  of 
any  large  number  of  persons,  after  an  enter- 
tainment of  any  kind.  And  yet  I  presume 
to  think  that  to  a  person  of  organizing  skill 
many  modes  occur  at  once  by  which  this 
dispersion  might  be  rendered  most  facile. 
If  I  am  right  in  this  assertion,  it  shows  how 


ORGANIZA  TION.  \  \  9 


rare  are  those  persons  who  can  claim  to  CHAP. 
possess  organizing  skill — or  how  rarely  they  ^- — • — 
come  to  the  front 

A  similar  remark  may  be  made,  as  regards  And  in 
the  conduct  of  railway  business.     I  imagine  it  traffic. 
would  astonish  the  world,  if  it  could  see  how 
a  master  of  organization  would  deal  with  the 
conduct  of  railway  business,  at  some  compli- 
cated railway  station,  where  now  all  is  hurry, 
doubt,  confusion,  and  bewilderment 

Now,  the  people  who  direct  railway  busi- 
ness, are  mostly  very  clever  men  ;  far  above 
the  average  of  mankind  in  cleverness,  and 
probably  in  organizing  skill ;  but  they  have 
not  had  the  apprehensive  foresight  which  dis- 
cerns future  difficulties  and  provides  against 
them,  or  they  have  become  too  familiar  with 
the  present  state  of  things  to  appreciate  what 
there  is  in  it  that  requires  alteration. 

My  object,  as  far  as  I  have  hitherto  gone 
in  this  chapter,  has  been  to  indicate  how  few 
and  far  between  are  the  men  who  are  skilled 
in  organization.  In  a  former  work,1  treating 
of  this  subject  solely,  I  maintained  that  skill 

1  Essay  on  Organization. 


1 20  ORGANIZA  TION. 


CHAP,    in   organization  is  a  thing  which   might  be 

"-— ^ — '  taught.     Further  consideration  has  led  me  to 

believe,   that   this    assertion    was    not   well 

founded  ;  and  at  any  rate,  if  accepted  at  all, 

it  must  be  accepted  with  considerable  limits, 

and  modifications.     For  how  are  you  to  teach 

a  man  to  be  apprehensive  and  bold  ?     This 

Organ-       happy  combination  of  opposing  qualities  is,  I 

not  teach-'  conceive,  hereditary;  and  the  boy  who  does 

fiolc* 

not  manifest  it  in  the  playground  will  seldom, 
I  conjecture,  be  found  to  have  it,  as  a  man,  in 
his  converse  with  the  world. 

I  now  proceed  to  the  main  drift  of  this 
chapter  on  organization.  I  would  not  have  it 
thought  that  my  previous  remarks  are  solely  of 
a  discouraging  nature..  Hitherto  I  have  chiefly 
had  in  my  mind  that  high  degree  of  organiz- 
ing power  which  is  required  for  the  conduct 
its  great  of  the  greatest  affairs.  A  similar  power,  in 

import- 
ance,         a  lower  degree,  is  shown  to  some  extent  in 

every  well- managed  household ;  and  in  every 
branch  of  public  and  private  business  which  is 
tolerably  well  managed.  In  fact,  without  this 
power  being  exercised  extensively  in  its  lower 
degrees,  the  world  could  not  get  on  at  all,  and 


ORGANIZATION.  T2T 


we  should  relapse  into  barbarism.     Women     CHAP. 

XI 

often  possess  the  talent  of  organization  in  a  ' • — ' 

considerable  degree,  and,  whenever  they  do 
possess  it,  their  households,  their  entertain- 
ments, and  their  control  of  expenditure,  show 
at  once  in  the  most  marked  manner  that  they 
do  possess  this  talent. 

If  the  foregoing  views  respecting  organiza- 
tion are  just,  and  if  they  can  be  applied  at  all, 
it  is  to  the  conduct  of  government  that  they 
are  most  applicable.  For  if  organizing  skill  is  organ- 

...  .  izing  skill 

needed  anywhere,  it  is  in  those  great  national  most 

rr  •  i  -    i      •/-  11  wanted 

affairs  in  which,  if  errors  are  made,  the  mere  in  govern- 

ment. 

money  loss  may  amount  to  millions,  and  the 
ruin,  or  at  least  the  degradation,  of  a  nation 
may  ensue.  In  the  conduct  of  a  nation's  affairs, 
men  of  organizing  power  should  be  sought 
for  with  the  keenest  avidity,  and  be  retained 
at  almost  any  price.  They  are  not  to  be  dis- 
covered by  any  mode  of  previous  examina- 
tion. Indeed  that  very  docility,  and  that 
readiness  to  accept  whatever  is  taught  them 
for  a  purpose — the  purpose,  namely,  of  success 
in  competition — are  qualities  which  tend  to 
smother  and  deface,  rather  than  to  develop, 


I  2  2  ORGANIZA  TION. 


organizing  power.  Strange  to  say,  it  is  often 
a  somewhat  indolent  and  thoughtful  man  who 
has  much  of  this  power,  but  who  remains  very 
deficient  in  the  mere  acquisition  of  knowledge 
of  any  kind. 

Another  point,  to  be  carefully  considered 

with  reference  to  this  matter,  is,  that  there  are 

no  two  things  more  entirely  dissociated  than 

the  power  of  argumentation  and  the  power  of 

Powers  of   arranging  with  forethought,  and  manifesting 

argumen- 
tation and    skill  m  organization.      The  man,  who  can  see 

organi- 
zation,       what  ought  to  be  done,  and  lay  down  a  plan 

for  doing  it,  is  often  totally  unable  to  argue 
about  that  which  he  can  design  most  skil- 
fully. In  these  days,  our  principal  rewards  are 
given  to  the  men  of  arguing  powers,  who  may 
be  absolutely  inept  in  administrative  power. 

Lastly,  if  by  any  means  a  man  of  organ- 
izing power  is  attached  to  any  branch  of  the 
Executive,    care    should    be    taken,    by   his 
superiors,  not  to  allow  him  to  be  ground  down 
Routine      in    the   mill  of   routine ;  lest  even   he,    too, 
to  organ-     should  be  subdued  by  over-much  familiarity 

izing 

powers.       with  the  subjects  he  has  to  manipulate,  and 
should  thereby  lose  the  power  of  discerning 


ORGANIZA  TION.  I  2  3 


in  what  way  the  current  treatment  of  matters, 
in  his  Department,  requires  to  be  entirely 
altered  or  amended. 

I  must  add,  that  I  cannot  lay  down  any 
rule,  nor  do  I  believe  anybody  else  can,  for 
the  discovery  of  men  possessed  with  a  singu- 
lar aptitude  for  organization.  All  I  can  say 
is,  that  those  who  are  placed  in  the  highest 
positions,  and  who,  therefore,  have  large  op-  statesmen 

r  i  -  i  r  i  Should 

portunity  for   observing   the  work  of   other  lookout 

for  men  of 

men,  should  be  always  on  the  alert  to  dis-  organizing 
cover,  and  to  attach  to  themselves  and  to  their 
government,  those  men  whom  they  have 
reason  to  believe  possess  this  aptitude  for 
organization.  Statesmen  must  not  be  de- 
ceived by  the  manifestation  of  large  powers  of 
criticism,  in  those  whom  they  are  inclined  to 
consider  as  men  of  organizing  talent  Criti- 
cism, as  well  as  argumentation,  has  but  little, 
if  anything,  to  do  with  this  organizing  talent. 
The  man,  who  possesses  it,  is  nearly  sure  to 
manifest  it  in  some  practical  way ;  and  if  that 
way  is  observed  by  some  person  in  power, 
that  person  may  fairly  infer,  that  if  he  can 
attach  this  worker  and  thinker  (not  criticiser, 


I  24  ORGANIZA  TION. 


CHAP,    not  talker)  to  the  public  service,  he  has  so 

XI. 

•"7"-  "  far  fulfilled  one  of  the  chief  functions  of  a 
statesman. 

In  great  crises  you  constantly  hear  such 
words  as  these  :  *  Oh,  that  there  were  a  man  ! 
What  a  difference  one  great  man  would 
make ! '  But  it  is  forgotten  that  there  must 
be  the  wise  men  to  choose  the  man  ;  for  the 
greatest  man  finds  a  difficulty  in  choosing 
himself  and  putting  himself  forward 


CHAPTER   XII. 

ON  FORESIGHT  IN  GOVERNMENT. 

WOULD  that  there  were  more  of  this    CHAP. 
valuable  quality  shown  in  every  go-  " — r— 
vernment  that  governs,  or  pretends  to  govern,  Foresight 

much 

throughout  the  world.    Never  was  this  quality  needed 

in  govern- 
more  needed  than  in  an  age  justly  called  an 

age  of  transition — when  there  is  immense 
diversity  of  opinion ;  when  the  world  of 
thought  is  more  than  ever  divided  into  sects  ; 
and  when  that  most  dangerous  form  of 
thought,  which  is  best  described  by  the  French 
word  doctrinaire,  is  remarkably  prevalent. 

As  it  is,  even  the  bystander  most  favour-  Yet  very 
able  to  the  governments  which  exist,  must 
admit,  however  reluctantly,  that  the  action  of 
government   chiefly  consists   in  a  series   of 
surprises. 

All  observant  people  must  agree  in  recog- 
nising this  evil,  which  it  will  be  desirable  to 


rare. 


126  ON  FORESIGHT  IN  GOVERNMENT. 

CHAP,     examine  minutely,  in  order  to  discover  the 

XII. 

'  causes,  and,  if  possible,  suggest  some  remedy. 
A  cause          One  of  the  main  causes  why  government, 

for  this  in  \    . 

England,  even  in  this  country,  which  justly  claims  to 
be  the  best  governed  country  in  the  world, 
is  still  a  government  that  acts  in  a  faltering, 
hap-hazard,  and  uncertain  manner,  is  the  fol- 
lowing : — 

Ministers         The  persons,  who  are  chiefly  entrusted  with 

absorbed 

by  daily  carrying  on  the  government,  are  so  much 
immersed  in  the  difficulties  of  the  present 
hour — their  work  from  day  to  day  so  fully 
occupies  them  (especially  in  this  age  of  un- 
limited correspondence)  —  that  they  have 
neither  the  leisure,  nor  the  heart,  nor  the 
spare  intellectual  energy,  to  devote  to  a  large 

Their         consideration   for   the   future.       This   work, 

CriticS  r  '11 

often  un-     therefore,  is  done  mainly  by  writers,  uncon- 

practical. 

nected  with  government.  Now,  with  all 
their  merits,  we  cannot  expect  these  writers 
to  be  eminently  practical.  The  views  and 
wishes,  which  they  put  forward,  often  lack 
that  consideration  of  the  circumstances  sur- 
rounding them,  that  knowledge  of  practical 
difficulties,  and  that  experience  of  men,  which 


ON  FORESIGHT  IN   GOVERNMENT.  12  J 

are    only    gained   by   converse   with    active     CHAP. 
life. 

What  is  wanted,  in  every  State,  is  a  body 
of  philosophic — no,  I  am  afraid  of  that  word  Need  for 

ministers 

— of  thoughtful  statesmen  ;  who,  though  par-  less  over- 
taking of  some  of  the  active  duties  of  states- 
men,  should  not  be  overweighted   by  their 
having  too  much  of  the  conduct  of  ordinary 
business  imposed  upon  them. 

I  know  that  this  proposal  is  a  very  difficult 
one  to  realise  in  action.  But,  then,  the  whole 
matter  we  are  discussing — namely,  the  provid- 
ing foresight  for  government — is  confessedly 
a  very  difficult  one,  and  we  cannot  expect  the 
remedy  to  be  facile.  Moreover,  such  a 
remedy  as  is  proposed,  is  rather  contrary  to 
what  is  called  the  spirit  of  the  age.  A  single 
illustration  will  show  what  I  mean.  There  Some  sine- 

cure  offices 

are  certain  offices,  in  the  Cabinet  of  Great  useful. 
Britain,  to  which  no  onerous  duties  are 
attached,  and  indeed,  to  speak  frankly, 
scarcely  any  duties  at  all.  The  present  out- 
cry is,  *  Let  those  offices  be  abolished,  or  let 
onerous  duties  be  attached  to  them/  In  a 
word,  let  every  man  engaged  in  the  highest 


128  ON  FORESIGHT  IN  GOVERNMENT. 

CHAP,    branches  of  statesmanship,  be  oppressed  by 

' • — '  the  severe  and  urgent  routine  of  office,  which 

already  prevents  so    many   of  the   greatest 
men  from  being  able  to  give  due  foresight  to 
Their  abo-  the  affairs  of  the  future.     Well,  be  it  so  ;  only 
wise.          remember,  that  if  the  miller  and  his  men  are 
always  employed  in  grinding  for  the  necessi- 
ties of  the  day,  and  there  is  no  one  left,  a  little 
outside,  to  watch  the  course  of  the  stream,  it 
may  fail  some  day  when   it  is  most  wanted  ; 
or  it  may  come  down  in  one  tumultuous  over^ 
flow,  sweeping  away  the  mill,  the  miller  and 
his  men,  broadening,  as  it  goes,  into  one  vast 
torrent  of  destruction. 
Foresight         Not,    however,   that   I   would  confine  the 

not  to  be 

confined      acquisition  of  this  foresight  merely  to  states- 

to  states- 
men and      men  and  philosophers.      It  is  comparatively 

philoso- 
phers, but  little  service  to  the  world,  that  a  Chester- 
field, or  a  Burke,  should  foresee  the  political 
evils  coming  upon  a  generation  of  unobserv- 
ant men.  We  must,  in  order  to  insure  wise 
government  for  the  future,  contrive  that  con- 
siderable numbers  of  persons  should  try  to 
gain  some  foresight  in  political  affairs. 

It  may  seem  a  pedantic  thing  to  say,  but  I 


ON  FORESIGHT  IN  GOVERNMENT.  129 

am  persuaded,  that  to  effect  this  great  good,     CHAP. 
much    reference   must   be   made   to  history.    — 
There  are  certain  principles,  as  to  the  pro-  The  high 
bable  conduct  of  men,  and  as  to  the  results  tory. 
of  measures,  which  can  only  be  evolved  from 
some  study  of  those  historical  events,  which 
have  an  application  to  our  own  times.  If  I  were 
asked,  what  would  be  the  most  fruitful  subject 
for  study  that  could  be  devised   for  giving 
foresight  in  political  action,  it  is  the  history  of 

the  Girondins.     There  never,  perhaps,  was  an  The  Gi- 

,  i  i   •       i  •  i  i  ronclins- 

instance  in  the  world,  in  which  so  many  good 

men,  having  really  great  designs  for  the  welfare 
of  mankind,  were  so  utterly  deluded  and  de- 
ceived. The  same  error,  which  misled  these 
good  men,  stands  eternally  in  the  way  of  im- 
provement, and  has  to  be  most  carefully 
guarded  against.  That  error  was  the  sup- 
position that  they  (the  Girondins)  could 
place  the  limits  of  movement,  at  that  precise 
line  of  demarcation  which  seemed  to  them  to 
be  the  wisest  and  the  best.  The  man  who  par- 
takes this  fatal  error  of  the  Girondins  forgets, 
as  they  did,  that  there  is  a  fierce  crowd  be- 
hind him,  who  do  not  limit  themselves  to  his 

K 


130  ON  FORESIGHT  IN  GOVERNMENT. 

CHAP,    views  and  are  not  contented  with  his  objects, 

XII. 

—^~~  '  but  are  rushing  down  the  hill  to  achieve 
their  own — whom  he  can  never  hope  to  stay 
till  they  get  to  the  bottom  of  that  perilous 
descent. 

Not  the  less  danger  is  there,  from  want  of 
foresight,  in  a  totally  different  direction.  The 
history  of  the  Girondins  is  certainly  a  most 
fruitful  subject  for  the  contemplation  of  poli- 
ticians. A  kindred  subject,  namely,  the 

Louis xv.  conduct  of  Louis  XV.  and  his  Ministers,  is 
equally  fruitful. 

I  fear  that  the  contemplative  bystander 
would  find  much  to  blame,  on  account  of 
want  of  foresight,  even  .in  our  own  time.  It 

Benefits      must,  however,  be  acknowledged,  that  much 

resulting 

tb  Great      of  the  security  and  good  order  that  we  pos- 

Britain  ' 

from  fore-  sess,  is  the  result  of  a  foresight  which  gene- 
rally comes  rather  late  in  Great  Britain,  but 
which  frequently  does  come  at  last,  and  is 
the  salvation  of  us  politically,  as  a  State. 
That  our  people  have,  at  this  moment,  so  few 
purely  political  grievances,  is  an  inestimable 
blessing.  What  we  have  to  consider  as  the 
main  objects  for  foresight  in  government,  are 


ON  FORESIGHT  IN  GOVERNMENT.  131 

the   questions   of   social    difficulty   which   at     CHAP. 

present  threaten   us,  and  which  are  looming  ' • — 

large  in  the  distance. 

There  is  also  another  class  of  subjects 
which  especially  call  for  the  exercise  of  fore- 
sight on  the  part  of  government.  It  relates 
to  panics  of  all  kinds,  sudden  and  ill-considered  Foresight 

in  regard 

resolves  of  all  kinds,  which  most  nations  are  to  panics. 
seldom  free  from,  for  any  length  of  time.  For 
example,  a  nation  has  a  sudden  fit  of  severe 
economy,  or,  on  the  other  hand,  of  recklessness 
in  matters  of  expense.  Or  it  has  a  wild  panic 
as  regards  invasion ;  or,  on  the  other  hand,  it 
indulges  in  a  fit  of  sublime,  but  most  unwar- 
rantable confidence,  as  regards  the  mainten- 
ance of  peace,  and  the  needlessness  of  warlike 
preparation.  All  these  fits  and  humours  of 
a  nation  require  great  foresight  on  the  part  of 
statesmen,  to  know  how  to  bear  with  them ; 
to  prevent  their  doing  mischief;  and  to. make 
use  of  them  for  some  good  purpose,  which, 
at  other  times  and  seasons,  might  not  be  so 
easily  effected. 

I  cannot  better  conclude  this  chapter,  than 
by  giving  a  very  remarkable  quotation  from 

K2 


132  ON  FORESIGHT  IN  GOVERNMENT. 

CHAP.     Montesquieu,  or  rather  from  Gravina,  whom 

' • Montesquieu  quotes,  whereby  it  may  be  seen 

what  is  the  true  definition  of  a  State,  as  a 
being  which  combines  in  itself  the  forces  of 
all  the  individuals  who  compose  it.  That 
those  forces  should  be  well  directed  for  the 
True  defi-  benefit  of  the  individuals,  and  should  be  well 

nition  of 

a  State.  combined  for  the  common  welfare  of  the 
State,  is  the  principal  subject-matter  for  fore- 
sight in  this  Country,  especially  considering 
that  the  social  questions  before  alluded  to 
are  those  which  now  concern  us  most  : — 

'  Outre  le  droit  des  gens,  qui  regarde  toutes 
les  societes,  il  y  a  un  droit  politique  pour 
chacune.  Une  soci6t£  ne  sauroit  subsister 
sans  un  gouvernement.  "  La  reunion  de  toutes 
les  forces  particulieres,"  dit  tres-bien  Gravina, 
41  forme  ce  qu'on  appelle  1'Etat  politique/  " 1 

1  L  Esprit  des  Lois,  par  Montesquieu,  liv.  i.  chap.  iii. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

THE  EDUCATION  OF  A  STATESMAN. 

7E    have    now    to    concern    ourselves     CHAP 

-•IT  •  r      i  XIIL 

with  the  education  of  the  governors,  • — . — 
not  of  the  governed,  which  education  ought  special 

,      .          *  i  r  i  •    t    education 

obviously    to    be    of    a    somewhat    special  Of  a  states 

man. 

character. 

An  admirable  work,  before  referred  to,  has 
been  written  on  the  training  and  conduct  of 
statesmen  by  Sir  Henry  Taylor.  It  is  called 
*  The  Statesman.'  This  work  of  mine  will 
not  allow  of  my  dealing  elaborately  with 
the  subject,  as  Sir  Henry  Taylor  has  done. 
I  shall  attempt  only  to  set  down  those  points 
which  have  particularly  engaged  my  thoughts 
with  regard  to  the  education  of  statesmen. 

In  all  times,  but  especially  in  these  times, 
it  is  needful  for  a  statesman  to  have  a  great  Mastery 

r    ,         ..  rr*  .  ,    of  details 

mastery  of  details.     To  use  an  expression  I  needful. 
have  used   elsewhere,  he   should   have  *  an 


134  THE  EDUCATION  OF  A   STATESMAN. 

CHAP,    almost  ignominious   love   of   details/      The 

XIII. 

'      '  questions  that  come  before  him  partake  of 
Love  of      the  complication  which  must  exist  in  highlv- 

detail. 

civilized  communities.  These  questions  will 
be  cumbered  with  details ;  and  a  statesman, 
at  any  rate  if  he  is  acting  under  a  constitu- 
tional government,  will  not  carry  to  a  pros- 
perous i;:sue  any  large  measure  by  the  aid  of 
a  few  great  principles,  unless  he  have  the 
knowledge,  and  the  skill,  which  will  %  enable 
him  to  put  the  details  into  their  right  places, 
and  to  adapt  them  to  these  principles.  If  we 
consider  the  eminent  statesmen  of  recent 
times  we  shall  find  that,  with  very  few  excep- 
tions, they  have  been  men  who,  to  use  a 
Eminent  phrase  of  Talleyrand's,  are  *  avid  of  facts/ 

statesmen 

'avid  of      They  would  have  been  good  men  of  business 

facts.' 

in  any  department  of  life. 

Now,  how  are  this  avidity  for  facts,  and 
this  skill  in  selecting  and  arranging  them,  to 
be  acquired  ?  I  would  not  be  so  presump- 
tuous as  to  attempt  to  lay  down,  authorita- 
tively, any  special  rules  for  acquiring  these 
necessary  aids  to  statesmanship.  This  is  a 
matter  which  must  mainly  be  left  to  the  dis- 


THE  EDUCATION  OF  A  STATESMAN. 


'35 


cretion  of  those  persons  who  are  training  CHAP. 
youths  likely  to  be  concerned  in  statesman-  • — ^— 
ship.  One  youth  will,  by  the  peculiar  bent  Rules  to 

r  be  left  to 

of  his  mind,   indicate  to  his    instructor  one  the  in- 
structor. 

way  of  attaining  this  desirable  object ;  another 
youth  will  indicate  another.  All  that  can  be 
said  to  an  instructor  is,  *  Whenever  you  see 
an  opportunity  of  making  a  youth  follow  any 
particular  study,  which  involves  dealing  with 
large  masses  of  facts,  encourage  him  in  it, 
and  keep  him  to  it/ 

One  thing  I  must  remark,  and  herein  my  HOW 

.       .  .  statesmen 

opinion   entirely  coincides   with   that  of  Sir  should 

study  his- 

Henry  Taylor,  that  the  way  to  make  a  stu-  tory. 
dent,  who  is  to  become  a  statesman,  read 
history,  is,  to  confine  his  attention  to  a  par- 
ticular period,  and  make  him  know  that  in 
its  minutest  detail,  demanding  from  him,  not 
essays,  but  elaborate  statements  of  facts.  It 
is  astonishing  what  strength  and  minuteness 
of  observation,  and  what  power  of  comparing 
and  marshalling  significant  facts,  may  be 
given  to  an  intelligent  youth,  by  severely  ex- 
ercising his  mind  in  this  peculiar  way. 

The  next  branch  of  education  to  be  culti-  Power  of 

expression. 


136  THE  EDUCATION  OF  A    STATESMAN. 

CHAP,    vated  is  expression.     This  is  one  of  the  prin- 

.A.  111., 

cipal  arts  of  life,  and  is  most  needful  for  any 
An  art        man  who  would  influence  his  fellow-men.    It  is 

to  be  cul- 
tivated,      essentially  the  art  of  artists  whose  excellence 

is  mainly  to  be  seen  in  their  powers  of  expres- 
sion, which  include  that  of  representation. 
It  is  an  art  which,  if  not  to  be  acquired 
by  one  who  has  no  natural  gifts  in  that  direc- 
tion, may,  at  any  rate,  -be  greatly  enlarged 
and  furthered  in  anyone  who  has  the 
smallest  natural  faculty  for  it.  As  a  nation 
we  do  not  excel  in  the  power  of  expression, 
and  therefore  it  is  peculiarly  valuable  amongst 
us.  Of  necessity,  skill  in  expression  includes 
includes  logic  and  method.  It  may  be  well  taught  at 

logic  and 

method.  home  in  our  earliest  years  ;  and  it  is  an  art,  in 
which  an  observant  man  may  go  on  improv- 
ing to  the  end  of  his  life. 

Especially  For  a  statesman,  nothing  is  more  requisite 
for  a  than  that  he  should  be  able  to  narrate  accu- 
rately, to  explain  succinctly,  to  answer  clearly 
and  logically,  and,  in  short,  to  deliver  all  that 
he  knows,  or  has  to  say,  with  the  greatest 
force,  the  least  apparent  effort,  and  the  least 
irrelevancy.  This  appears  to  be  a  large  de- 


statesman. 


THE  EDUCATION  OF  A   STATESMAN.  137 

mand  to  make  upon  any  man ;  but  it  is  not    CHAP. 

XIII. 

beyond  the  scope  of  teaching. 

It  is  surprising  what  keenness  of  observa-  its  want 

obvious 

tion  even  an  unlearned  bystander  has  of  de-  to  ail. 
fects  in  expression.  He  perceives  where 
the  tale  is  ill  told,  or  the  statement  insuffi- 
ciently made ;  he  detects  redundancies  of 
phrase,  needless  parentheses,  want  of  method 
in  the  narrative,  and  all  that  movement  back- 
wards and  forwards — telling  too  much  too 
soon,  and  too  little  too  late ;  which  result  in 
making  a  story,  or  a  statement,  inconsequent, 
confused,  and  deficient  in  force  and  interest. 
He  may  be  a  good  general  critic,  although, 
from  want  of  practice,  he  would  himself  com- 
mit the  faults  which  he  detects  and  condemns. 
He  may,  therefore,  instruct  the  young  in 
amending  these  faults,  if  only  he  comments 
upon  them.  And  anyone  who  is  concerned 
in  bringing  up  a  statesman,  can  hardly  do 
more  service  to  his  charge  than  by  endeavour- 
ing to  make  him  attend  carefully  to  the  just 
expression  of  whatever  he  has  to  express. 
This  may  at  first  sight  appear  likely  to  pro- 
duce pedantry,  and  to  make  a  young  person 


138  THE  EDUCATION  OF  A   STATESMAN. 

CHAP,     think  less  of  what  he  has  to  say,  than  of  how 

XIII. 

he  should  say  it.  But  if  any  such  pedantry 
is  acquired,  it  soon  wears  off  in  the  urgency 
of  the  real  business  of  life  ;  and  the  youth, 
well  taught  in  this  respect,  becomes  a  man 
who,  unconsciously,  has  the  power  of  express- 
ing what  he  thinks  and  feels,  without  having 
to  think  of  the  mode  and  manner  of  this  ex- 
pression. 
Everyone  Of  course  a  statesman,  and  indeed  most 

should  be 

taught  to  other  persons,  should  be  taught  how  to  speak. 
Respecting  this  accomplishment  there  are 
certain  rules  that  have  been  ascertained  to  be 
imperative,  if  a  man  would  command  the  at- 
tention of  his  audience.  There  is  also  some- 
thing that  practice  alone  can  give.  It  is  that 
a  man  should  be  able  to  think  while  he  is  in 
the  act  of  speaking — while  he  is  on  his  legs, 
and  has  a  number  of  eager  eyes  looking  up  at 

Art.°f        him.     He  should  be  able  to  change  the  order 

speaking. 

of  his  speech ;  to  dwell  much  upon  that  part 
of  the  subject  as  regards  which  he  discovers 
i  that  his  audience  requires  enlightenment,  or 

is  ready  with  sympathy ;  and  to  withhold,  or 
shorten  that  part  of  his  prearranged  discourse 


THE  EDUCATION  OP   A    STATESMAN.  139 

which  he  finds  it  is  needless,  or,  perhaps,  offen-     CHAP. 

XIII. 

sive,  to  dilate  upon.      In  short,  he  should  be  * — • — " 
able  to  use  his  mind  in  a  dual  capacity,  speak- 
ing what  he  is  determined  to  say,  and  at  the 
same  time  determining  what  he  will  say  next. 

This  accomplishment  cannot  be  perfected  Debating 

societies. 

without  practice ;  and  though  debating  socie- 
ties at  schools  and  universities  may  appear 
to  be  mere  play,  they  are  not  without  great 
use  in  the  training  of  statesmen. 

I  have  not  spoken  of  the  higher  matters  Love  of 

justice  and 

which  belong  to  the  education  of  statesmen  ;  truth. 
of  the  love  of  justice  and  of  truth  ;  of  the  care 
for  the  well-being  of  their  fellow -men  ;  of  the 
sense  of  the  responsibility  for  power,  which 
should  be  inculcated  during  youth.  The  chief 
part  of  this  great  work  must  be  done  by  their 
mothers,  or,  at  any  rate,  by  those  who  are 
nearest  to  them  in  relationship,  or  who  come 
into  the  closest  contact  with  them.  It  is  Great 

example 

seldom    that   a   character  is  developed   into  fosters 

greatness. 

greatness,  unless  a  great  example  has  been 
furnished  to  it  by  those  who  have  had  the 
care  of  its  early  training. 

I  have  said  how  needful  it  is  to  give  the 


140  THE  EDUCATION  OF  A    STATESMAN. 

CHAP,    nascent   statesman  a  habit  of  dealing  with 

XIII. 

N  •  '  details,  and  of  expressing  well  whatever  he 
has  to  express.  But  there  is  a  branch  of  his 
education  which  must  never  be  neglected  ;  it  is 
to  insert  into  his  mind  some  interest  in  all  that 
is  going  on  around  him.  Other  men  may  not 

Extended    be   injured   by   narrowness  of  mind  —  or  I 

sympathies 

needed  should  rather  say  by  narrowness  of  purpose 
— for  narrowness  of  mind  must  be  a  great 
detriment  to  any  man  who  is  bounded  by  it. 
But,  in  so  far  as  it  may  produce  a  certain 
fixedness  of  purpose,  and  concentration  of 
effort  in  one  direction,  it  may  have  some 
value  in  rendering  its  possessor  successful  in 
his  particular  calling,  if  that  be  one  of  a 
limited  nature.  Such,  however,  is  not  the 
And  calling  of  a  statesman,  which  requires  ex- 
cultivated,  tended  sympathies,  varied  knowledge,  and  a 
certain  catholicity  of  thought.  To  the  man 
whose  business  it  is  to  rule,  no  knowledge — 
no  information — can  come  amiss  any  more 
than  to  the  poet  or  the  man  of  letters.  He 
has  hereafter  to  be  a  keen  observer  of  all 
that  he  may  see,  especially  of  all  that  has  a 
human  interest.  This  will  hardly  be  the  case 


THE  EDUCATION  OF  A   STATESMAN.  141 

unless,  in  youth,  he  is  induced  to  take  a  keen     CHAP. 

J  XIII. 

interest  in  all  the  occupations  and  proceedings  '  —  •  —  ' 
of  those  that  surround  him.    Now  this  general 
interest  in  human  affairs  is  a  feeling  which  interest 

in  human 


can  be  educed  and  enlarged  by  early  training  ;  ^rs  may 
and  a  skilful   instructor,  having   to   educate  quired- 
those  who  are  likely  to  become  statesmen, 
can  insinuate,  as  it  were,  into  the  minds  of 
his  pupils  somewhat  of  that  large-minded  and 
sympathetic  interest  in  all  that  is  going  on 
around  them,  which  will  be  so  valuable  to 
them  in  after  life. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

THE  EDUCATION  OF  A  STATESMAN 
continued. 

» 

CxrvP'    r  I  ^HE    education    of  a  statesman  should 

never  end.     This  indeed  may  be  said 

Education    of  any  other  man  ;  but  the  maxim  peculiarly 

should  * 

never  end.  applies  to  statesmen,  who  have  continually  to 
cultivate  a  very  difficult  branch  of  self-educa- 
tion, namely,  that  of  educating  themselves  in 
the  knowledge  of  what  those  whom  they  guide 
and  govern  are  thinking,  hoping,  expecting, 
and  wishing  for.  It  is  a  strange  thing  to  say, 
but  statesmen  are,  for  the  most  part,  peculi- 
arly unfortunate  as  regards  the  company  they 
keep — unfortunate,  I  mean — with  a  view  to 
gain  this  requisite  knowledge  respecting  their 

statesmen   own  people.     In  reality  their  lives  are  much 

too  much 

isolated,  more  isolated  than  would  at  first  sight  appear. 
They  see  a  great  deal  of  their  colleagues, 
their  private  secretaries,  and  their  official 
subordinates  ;  and  they  occasionally  have  to 


THE  EDUCATION  OF  A   STATESMAN.  143 

meet  large  numbers  of  their  fellow-citizens  at     CHAP. 

XIV. 

public  meetings.     But  all  the  knowledge  they   — 
thus  gain  is  stamped  with  an  official  charac-  Their 

.  r        i          i  knowledge 

ter.  1  here  is  a  vast  amount  of  other  know-  mostly 
ledge,  respecting  the  thoughts  and  wishes  of 
their  fellow-countrymen,  which  these  states- 
men are  peculiarly  ill-placed  for  obtaining. 
It  is  true  that  they  read  the  newspapers. 
There  is,  however,  a  large  field  of  thought 
which  is  not  to  be  found  even  in  the  news- 
papers. It  is  a  common  belief,  often  ex- 
pressed very  cynically,  that  the  people  of  this 
and  other  countries  are  entirely  guided  by 
the  public  press,  and  that  each  man  does  but 
talk  his  favourite  newspaper.  This  is  a  total  People  not 
delusion,  as  anybody  may  verify  for  himself,  guided  by 
who  will  take  the  trouble  to  watch  the  con- 
versation which  takes  place  in  public  convey- 
ances. There  is  hardly  any  man  of  ordinary 
intelligence,  who  will  be  bound  down  by  what 
his  newspaper  says ;  and  you  may  frequently 
observe,  that  a  newspaper  article  is  discussed 
in  one  of  these  public  conveyances,  and  is  AS  proved 

,  .  ,  .  .  ...  by  conver- 

subjected    to    very  searching  criticism,    and  sationin 

,.  T     r  •  •!•        public  con- 

very  direct  oppugnancy.      In  fact,  as  civiliza-  veyances. 


144  THE  EDUCATION  OF  A   STATESMAN. 

CHAP,     tion    has    advanced,  the   great  mass  of  the 

&  1  V . 

' — • — '  world  has  become  much  more  critical ;  and, 

at  any  rate,  in  what  is  called  the  Anglo-Saxon 

Anglo-       race,  there  is  an  immense  amount  of  indivi- 

race  very     duality  of  opinion.     At  the  moment  at  which 

critica1'          T  i  i  •  r  r 

I  am  writing,  the  subject  of  army  reform  is 
prominently  in  the  minds  of  my  fellow-country- 
men. I  have  listened  to  discussions  on  this 
subject  in  railway  carriages,  which  it  would 
have  been  very  desirable  for  any  statesman 
to  hear. 
And  much  It  is  moreover  to  be  recollected,  that  we 

given  to 

tra--ei.  and  our  American  relations,  are  the  people 
who  indulge  most  in  travelling ;  and  we  are 
too  intelligent  a  people  not  to  have  made 
many  shrewd  observations  upon  the  conduct 
of  other  nations,  whom  we  have  visited. 
Again,  as  regards  ourselves,  we  have  vast 
colonial  possessions ;  and  so  extensive  has  been 
our  employment  in  those  colonies,  and  perhaps 
I  should  say,  in  those  empires  which  are  sub- 

Advan-      ject  to  us,  that  you  will  hardly  find  yourself 

tages  of  r      .    .  - 

this  habit,  in  a  company  of  eight  or  ten  people,  brought 
by  chance  together,  in  which  there  will  not 
be  one  or  more  persons  who  can  give  you, 


THE  EDUCATION  OF  A   STATESMAN.  145 

from  his  own  personal  experience,  interesting     CHAP. 

XIV 

facts  relating  to  India,  or  to  Australia,  or  to  - — ^~- 
the  West  India  islands. 

Facts,  such  as  these,  statesmen  ought  to  be  More  than 

11  i  T  T^I  ordinary 

able  to  get  at  and  to  verify.      I  hey  want  to  informa- 

i  i  1  tion  re- 

knOW,  or  at  least  they  ought  to  want  to  know,  quired, 

much  more  than  the  ordinary  class  of  political 
facts. 

This  knowledge  is  not  to  be  acquired  at 
public  meetings.  It  is  astonishing  what  men 
will  assent  to,  in  large  assemblages  of  their  Public 

meetings. 

fellow-men,  when  carried  away  by  the  excite- 
ment of  the  moment ;  and  how  erroneously 
their  opinions  may  be  represented,  if  deduced 
only  from  what  takes  place  at  public  meetings. 
A  statesman  wants  to  know  what  are  the  real 
feelings  of  the  people  he  guides  and  governs. 
This  knowledge  can  only  be  obtained  by 
much  and  intimate  converse  with  the  people  :  intimate 

converse 

and   if  a   statesman   cannot   obtain  this   for  with  the 

people 

himself,  (and  indeed  it  is  a  very  difficult  matter  needed. 
for  him,   with  his   pressing  occupations,)  he 
should  aim  at  doing  so  through  other  trust- 
worthy persons. 

I  doubt   much   whether   the  condition  of 


146  THE  EDUCATION  OF  A   STATESMAN. 

CHAP,    large  numbers   of  the  lower  classes  of  this 
'      •      '  country  is  intimately  known  to  many  states- 
men.    Yet  this,  as  all  will  admit,  is  a  kind  of 
Condition    knowledge  that   demands   to  be   known  by 

of  lower 

classes  statesmen.  There  was  a  tax  proposed,  some 
known.  time  ago,  which,  however  much  it  was  ridiculed, 
had  a  great  deal  to  recommend  it.  It  was 
condemned  mainly  by  the  appearance,  in  the 
streets,  of  those  persons  who  were  likely  to 
be  injured  by  the  imposition  of  this  tax. 
Now  when  people  blame  and  ridicule  the 
proposer  of  this  tax,  may  I  ask  them,  and 
especially  the  statesmen  among  them,  whether 
they  had  any  adequate  idea  of  the  condition 
of  those  miserable  persons  who  were  to  be 
the  first  to  bear  the  injury  to  employment 
that  would,  or  might  be,  created  by  the  im- 
position of  that  tax  ? 
Popular  I  would  carefully  guard  myself  from  being 

ideas  not  ,  ...  111 

always  to    supposed  to  maintain,  that  a  statesman  should 
out.  look  upon  himself  as  bound  to  carry  out  the 

wishes  of  the  people,  when  he  has  ascertained 
them.  In  general  it  will  be  found,  that  with 
the  utmost  research  he  will  only  be  able  to 
ascertain  the  views  and  wishes  of  certain 


THE  EDUCATION  OF  A   STATESMAN.  147 

sections  of  the  people.  He  has  also  to  con- 
sider  imperial  interests  ;  and  it  may  be  his 
duty,  as  possessing  a  wider  survey,  to  oppose  imperial 

interests 

the  wishes  not  only  of  large   classes   of  his  being  pa- 
ramount. 
fellow-countrymen,    but   even  of   the    whole 

Country  at  large. 

Still,  it  is  of  the  utmost  advantage  for  a 
statesman  to  make  himself  thoroughly  master 
of  the  views  and  wishes  of  any  one  class.  Know- 
As  I    have  been   desirous,   throughout   this  class 

views 

work,    of  giving  individual    examples,    with, 
regard  to  the  general  propositions  which  I 
may   lay   down,   I  will  give  an   instance  in 
point. 

Many  years  ago,  it  was  determined,  by  the 
government  of  the  day,  to  bring  in  a  measure 
to  amend  and  consolidate  all  the  Acts  relating 
to  an  important  branch  of  taxation.  The  A  case  in 

point. 

Minister,  who  was  to  have  charge  of  the 
measure,  was  well  aware  that  he  had  very 
little  personal  experience  of  the  troubles, 
vexations,  and  inequalities  caused  by  the 
incidence  of  this  branch  of  taxation.  He 
took  occasion  to  declare,  in  the  most  public 
manner,  that  he  wished  for  information  on 

L2 


148 


THE  EDUCATION  OF  A   STATESMAN. 


CxivP' 


Result. 


sukJect  '  and>  on  tne  Part  °f  tne  Govern- 
ment, he  invited  communications  by  letter, 
from  all  persons  in  the  kingdom,  who  had 
peculiar  knowledge  or  experience  of  this 
much-entangled  matter.  He  was  one  of 
those  men  who  have  the  good  sense  to  know 
that,  in  such  a  position  as  his,  he  could  not 
do  everything  for  himself,  but  must  make 
great  use  of  his  subordinates.  He  appointed 
one  person,  a  secretary  in  his  Department,  to 
deal  with  the  whole  of  this  correspondence, 
desiring  the  secretary  to  furnish  him  with  a 
complete  report  of  the  whole  matter. 

The  letters  poured  in  by  hundreds.  At 
first  the  mass  was  bewildering  ;  but  gradually, 
after  abstracting  and  studying  a  great  number 
of  these  communications,  (which  sometimes, 
by  the  way,  required  further  correspondence 
and  interviews,)  the  secretary  was  enabled  to 
lay  before  his  chief  such  a  digest,  as  showed 
where  needless  pressure  and  inconvenience 
were  occasioned  by  that  branch  of  taxation, 
as  it  was  then  imposed  or  collected  ;  also  to 
show  where  it  could  be  made  most  fruitful, 
with  the  least  inconvenience  and  irritation  to 


THE  EDUCATION  OF  A   STATESMAN.  149 

the  public  ;  and,  in  short,  to  get  at  the  ruling    CHAP. 

.X.1  V  • 

principles  of  the  whole  matter.  '      •      ' 

A  Bill  was  framed  accordingly,  which  was  Working 
most  successful,  and  which  endured  in  full 
force  for  many  years  without  any  complaints 
against  its  manifold  prohibitions.  By  this 
instance  I  very  much  desire  to  show,  by 
reference  to  a  transaction  of  which  I  had 

personal  knowledge,  how  much  advantage  is  Public  ad- 

vantage. 
to  be  gained  by   large  communication   with 

the  public  in  the  preparation  of  any  measure 
which  greatly  affects  their  interests. 

It  is  also  an  instance  of  how  a  statesman  Mode  of 

dealing 

should  execute  certain  kinds  of  work.     There  with 

things 

is  no  point  in  which  the  continuous  education 
of  a  grown-up  statesman  —  an  education  he 
must  provide  for  himself  —  is  more  surely 
manifested,  than  in  the  way  in  which,  as  he 
grows  older  and  wiser,  he  superintends  rather  as  a  states- 

.  i  •        *         .j       .      *  i    man  grows 

than  works  out  matters  in  detail;  judges  and 


controls,  rather  than  elaborates  ;  and,  in  short, 
learns  to  make  the  amplest  use  of  his  subor- 
dinates. 

A  statesman,  who  is  admitted  by  all  parties 
to  have  been  one  of  the  best  administrators 


150  THE  EDUCATION  OF  A   STATESMAN. 

CH^P.    of   a  great  Department  whom  this   country 

*      •      '  has  ever  possessed,  told  me,  that  days,  and 

even  weeks,  sometimes   passed  without  his 

A  minis-     ever  writing  a  line  himself.      He  was,  never- 

ter's  ex- 
perience,    theless,  one  of  the  most  industrious  of  men ; 

and  he  added  :  *  I  am  all  .day  long  engaged 
in  seeing  what  other  people  are  doing  and  can 
do.'  Now  that  man  had  gone  far  to  attain,  in 
this  respect,  the  self-education,  which  I  would 
insist  upon  as  pre-eminently  requisite  for  a 
statesman.  One  of  the  great  arts  of  all  per- 
sons placed  in  authority  is,  to  multiply  them- 
selves, as  it  were,  by  a  judicious  and  trustful 
employment  of  other  men's  intelligence  and 
abilities. 
Work  Lastly,  in  reference  to  the  subject  of  this 

should  be  .  . 

thorough,  chapter,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  suggest  to 
statesmen,  that,  of  all  people  in  the  world,  they 
are  those  who  will  find  their  greatest  reward 
in  doing  their  work  thoroughly.  To  do  that 
work  thoroughly,  it  is  especially  requisite 
that  they  should  not  undertake  too  much. 

andju-       It  may  be  a  commonplace  remark  to  make 

diciously  "... 

limited.  but  observe  wherein  lies  the  success  of  the 
most  successful  men  in  every  condition  of 


THE  EDUCATION  OF  A   STATESMAN.  151 

life.     It  results  more  from  the  limitation  of    CHAP. 

XIV. 

their    efforts,    than    from    almost    anything  ' — *—* 
else.       The   truth   of  this  maxim    is    to    be 

observed  in  the  Arts,  in  Commerce,  in  Lite-  The  max- 
im general. 

rature,  in  Science  ;  and  it  is  not  less  true  in 
statesmanship.  To  follow  up  this  maxim 
requires  great  courage  ;  but  it  is  a  courage 
that  meets  with  almost  instantaneous  reward. 
Let  a  statesman  only  have  the  courage  to 
say,  '  I  'will  not  deal  with  this  proposed  mea- 
sure now.  The  world  is  full  of  grievances.  Grievances 

to  be  dealt 

They  must,  however,  be  dealt  with  one  by  with 

i  11  r 

one  ;  and  no  semblance  of  pretentious  states- 
manship shall  make  me  depart  from  my  resolve 
to  deal  with  these  grievances  individually,  but 
forcibly,  rather  than  to  give  an  ineffective 
acknowledgment,  by  some  imperfect  measures, 
of  all  the  grievances  which  may  be  brought 
before  me/ 

The  multiplicity  of  the  measures  which,  in 
weak  moments,  a  statesman  has  consented  to 
introduce,  has  often  been  the  cause  which  has 
ruined  his  reputation  as  a  statesman. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

ON  IMPROVEMENT,  IN  CONTRAS7   WITH 
REFORM. 

CHAP.  T  T  is  a  sad  thing  to  say,  but  no  less  true 
— -i— '  A  than  sad,  that  one  can  seldom  succeed,  as 
an  author,  in  putting  forward  in  the  strongest 
and  best  manner  that  which  one  cares  for 
most  When  the  great  actor  produces  the 
most  impression  upon  his  audience,  it  is  not 
because,  at  the  moment,  he  has  the  most 
sympathy  with  his  part.  The  intensity  of 
feeling  has,  perhaps,  long  gone  by ;  and  what 
moves  them  most  is  the  result  of  high  art, 
that  has,  to  some  extent,  dissociated  itself 
from  the  original  feeling  which  was  not  ade- 
quately expressed  at  the  time  when  it  was 
first  and  most  deeply  felt.  An  author  has  no 
such  chance  of  improving,  by  repetition,  his 
expression  of  what  he  feels;  and  often  that 
which  he  is  most  deeply  anxious  to  impress 


IMPROVEMENT  IN  CONTRAST  WITH  REFORM.  153 

upon  his  readers,  he  fails  in  expressing,  from     CHAP. 
his  profound  care  for  the  subject 

I  feel  this  in  entering  upon  the  considera- 
tion of  the  subject  of  the  present  chapter  ;  for 
I  greatly  fear  that  I  may  not  be  able  to  convey 
adequately  to  the  reader  my  sense  of  its  high 
importance. 

One  of  the  great  evils  attendant  upon  poli-  Political 

ambition 

tical  life  is,  that  it  is  connected  so  closely  with  an  evil, 
ambition,  and  with  the  love  of  fame.  And 
yet  in  politics  some  of  the  most  useful,  if  not 
the  greatest  achievements  which  remain  to  be 
accomplished,  will  not  gratify  ambition,  nor 
ensure  fame.  These  achievements  lie  in  the 
way  of  improvement.  How  rarely  men  are 
contented  with  mere  improvement  in  political 
affairs  may  be  inferred  from  the  names  which 
political  parties  have  received,  or  have  as- 
sumed. We  hear  of  Whigs,  Tories,  Conser- 
vatives, Reformers,  and  Destructives.  In  Party 

names. 

America,  too,  the  names  for  political  parties, 
however  strange  and  varied,  are  never  such  as 
show  that  the  partisans  condescend  to  limit 
themselves  to  anything  so  humble  as  mere  im- 
provement The  word  Reformer  approaches 


154  ON  IMPROVEMENT, 


CHAP,    most  nearly  to  that  of  Improver,  but  yet  is 
' • — '  essentially  different,  as  it  implies  reconstruc- 
tion.    Whereas,    to   carry    out   the   greatest 
improvement,    there    is    frequently   not  the 
slightest  necessity  to  change  the  form  of  things. 
It  would,  perhaps,  surprise  the  world    to 
Larse         find  how  much  could  be  done,  and  done  with 

scope  for 

improvers,  comparative  ease,  in  the  way.  of  improvement, 
which  is  now  left  to  be  done  in  the  way 
of  reform.  There  are,  for  instance,  scores  of 
Acts  of  Parliament  now  inoperative,  or  only 
partially  operative,  that  might  be  rendered 
largely  effectual  by  slight  alterations  and  ex- 
tensions. For  example,  an  Act  has  been 
passed  providing  some  remedy  for  some  evil 
in  a  town,  probably  of  a  sanitary  kind.  As 
population  has  become  more  dense  in  the 
suburbs  of  that  town,  the  evil  in  question 
has  extended  to  them,  and  the  remedy  ought 
also  to  be  extended.  Unfortunately,  how- 
ever, no  one  thinks  it  worth  his  while  to 
attack,  by  means  of  legislation,  this  new  evil. 
There  is  neither  name  nor  fame  to  be  gained 
by  such  a  humble,  though  most  useful,  under- 
taking. It  is  merely  making  the  most,  and 


IN  CONTRAST   WITH  REFORM.  155 

the  best,  of  another  man's    previous  work ;    CHAP  . 

xv 
and  each  man  proposes  to  himself  to  do  some-  ' — «• — " 

thing  larger  and  better  than  that,  if  he  have 
the  capability  of  doing  anything. 

The    principal    cause    of   this    misplaced  Cause  of 

misplaced 

ambition  is,  that  in  all  our  schemes  of  action,  ambition. 
we  take  such  delight  in  beginning  anew — in 
imagining  for  ourselves  a  tabula  rasa  in  any 
branch  of  human  affairs  that  we  wish  to 
meddle  with  ;  and  we  think,  that  it  will  be 
so  pleasant  to  inscribe,  as  it  were,  upon  blank 
leaves  whatever  we  desire  to  indite.  The 
misfortune,  however,  is,  that  there  remains 
hardly  anything  in  human  life  which  can  be 
begun  again,  in  this  trenchant  manner.  As 
an  example,  it  may  be  noticed  that  several 
socialistic  schemes,  for  equalising  conditions, 
would  require  a  total  demolition  of  most  of 
the  buildings  which  are  at  present  on  the 
earth.  Now  these  buildings  represent  the 
work  of  ages ;  and  the  humble  improver 
does  not  by  any  means  desire  to  demolish 
them. 

To   convince   a   statesman   of  what  good 
might  be  done  by  the  improvement  of  that 


156  ON  IMPRO  VEMENT, 


CHAP,    which  already  exists,  I  have  sometimes  thought 

• — '  that  if  one   could   persuade   him   to  take  a 

walk  with  one  in  London,  and  its  suburbs,  or 

in  any  other  thickly  populated  town,   what 

Need  of      opportunities  one  might  show   him   for  im- 

improve- 

ment  in      provement  of  the  kind  that  I  mean,  both  in 

London. 

legislation  and  in  administrative  action. 

There  are  huge  factories  rising  up  on  the 
banks  of  rivers,  the  refuse  of  which  will,  for 
certain,  whether  openly  or  furtively,  be  shot 
down  into  the  stream,  and  will  thereby  in- 
evitably cause  great  mischief  to  all  those  who 
dwell  on  its  banks  and  have  to  drink  of  its 
waters.  This  statesman  would  see  portions 
of  land  about  to  be  occupied  by  mean  and 
unhealthy  dwellings,  which  land  ought  to  be 
under  the  control  of  the  government  for  the 
public  good.  He  would  see  volumes  of 
smoke  issuing  from  factories,  and  begriming 
great  public  buildings  for  which  he  has  con- 
sented that  the  nation  should  pay  large  sums 
of  money  ;  and  it  might  be  suggested  to  him, 
that  this  smoke,  though  one  of  the  greatest 
evils  of  modern  civilization,  is  at  the  same 
time  one  of  the  most  easily  preventable  One 


IN  CONTRAST   WITH  REFORM.  157 

might  then  take  him  into  the  most  densely    CHAP. 

populated  parts  of  the  town ;  and  show  him — ' 

how  absolutely  abominable  are  all  the  primary 
arrangements  for  habitation,  which  have  to  be 
endured  by  thousands,  and  tens  of  thousands, 
of   his  poorer    fellow-countrymen.     The  re-  Remedies 
medies  for  these  evils  need  not  be  sought  for  reach  of 
in  forms  of  legislation,  which  will  encounter 
much  opposition  by  evoking  political  passions 
or  prejudices.  They  lie  within  the  placid  realm 
of  the  improver. 

I  do  not  undervalue  the  great  political 
measures  which  remove  political  disabilities, 
and  are  framed  with  a  view  to  making  large  improve- 

'  mentvery 

masses  of  our  fellow-countrymen  more  con-  desirable. 
tented  with  imperial  rule.  But  it  is  improve- 
ment in  those  minor  matters  before  enu- 
merated, which  will  make  life  more  comely, 
and  which  will  create  good  citizens  as  well  as 
good  men. 

There  are,  at  this  moment,  vast  schemes  for  Schemes 

brought 

change  and  reform,  brought  forward  by  men  forward. 
who  have,  as  yet,  but  little  political  standing 
or  political   weight   in   the  State.     Without 
undervaluing  the  labours  of  these  men,  or 


158  ON  IMPRO  VEMENT, 


CHAP,     depreciating  the  objects  they  have  in  view, 

.X.  V  • 

*— ^  '  one  can  hardly  doubt,  that  practised  states- 
men look  upon  these  outsiders  somewhat 
as  quacks,  while  they  consider  themselves 
to  be  the  regular  practitioners.  But  let 
statesmen  take  this  fact  to  heart ;  that  it 
is  only  from  their  failures,  that  these  men, 
whom  perhaps  they  affect  to  despise,  derive 
their  chief  influence  ;  and  I  contend  that  these 
failures  are  mainly  to  be  attributed  to  the 
negligence  of  statesmen,  in  improving  the 
condition  of  the  poorer  classes  by  measures, 
not  of  great  political,  but  of  immense  social 
urgency. 

wherein         The  statesmen  of  almost   every  Country 

lies  the 

strength  of  might  afford  to  despise  the  efforts  of  the  most 

democratic 

agitation,  democratic  agitators,  if  the  welfare  of  the 
common  people,  in  what  are  regarded  as  com- 
paratively minor  matters,  had  been  sufficiently 
attended  to.  That  man  is  seldom  inclined 
to  be  clamorously  destructive,  who  has  a 
comfortable  home,  and  who  finds  that  the 
legislation  of  his  country  is  directed,  not 
merely  to  the  redress  of  political  grievances, 


IN  CONTRAST   WITH  REFORM.  I  59 

but  concerns  itself  with  all  that  can  free  his     CHAP. 

XV 

condition  from  whatever  is  ignoble,  unhealthy,  ' — ' 

and  unbecoming. 

If  these  minor  improvements,  when  tried, 
had  been  found  to  fail — if  experience  had 
proved  that  men  whose  homes  had  been  made 
more  comfortable,  and  whose  well-being  had 
been  looked  after  in  every  way  by  their 
superiors,  had  still  continued  to  be  agitators, 
or  the  prey  of  agitators — we  might  conclude 
that  that  was  not  the  way  to  satisfy  mankind. 
'But  the  experiment  has  been  tried  and  proved 

to  be  successful.     Wherever,  and  whenever  a  wise  be- 
nevolence 
great  manufacturer,  or  other  large  employer  of  some 

employers. 

of  labour,  has  had  somewhat  of  the  spirit  of 
the  true  statesman  in  him,  and  has  striven  to 
create  a  happy  and  contented  population  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  his  works,  he  has 
uniformly,  as  far  as  my  knowledge  goes, 
succeeded  in  doing  so.  Now,  if  statesmen 
would  place  a  similar  object  in  view,  for  the 
whole  of  the  labouring  population,  they  also 
might  meet  with  similar  success.  And  the 
means  by  which  they  might  attain  that 


1 60  IMPR  0  VEMENT  IN  CONTRA  ST  WITH  REFORM. 

CHAP,     success  lie  rather   in  the  way  of  improving 
'      •    ""   the  legislation   that  has  already  been  begun 
with  that  view,  than  in  bringing  forward  great 
measures  of  political  or  social  change. 

I  am  by  no  means  anxious  to  contend  that 
there  are  not  many  subjects  for  political 
action,  which  need  the  reformer  in  preference 
to  the  improver.  But  I  maintain,  that  an 
enormous  field  of  mere  improvement  lies  be- 
immense  fore  those  who  would  have  the  modesty  to 

field  for 

the  im-       limit  their  political  action  to   improvement. 

prover. 

That  *  last  infirmity  of  noble  minds/  the  desire 
for  fame,  which,  however,  I  would  character- 
ise as  the  first  infirmity  of  minds  ignoble  as 
well  as  noble,  has,  in  no  branch  of  human  life, 
effected  more  mischief  than  in  politics.  I 
haVe  scarcely  a  hope  of  increasing  the  num- 
ber of  improvers  ;  but  I  think  that  they  might 
be  consoled  for  the  want  of  fame  attendant 
upon  their  labours,  by  their  fully  appreciating 
what  an  extensive  sphere  of  usefulness  lies 
before  them. 


CHAP. 
XVI. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


WANT  OF  TIME  FOR  STATESMANSHIP. 

r~P|HIS  want  of  time  is  one  of  the  most 
-*-      serious  evils  .affecting  the  government 
of  this  country;  an  evil  which  is  steadily  in- 
creasing.    No  sooner  does  a  man  attain  to  any  Time  of 

.  ministers 

eminence,  in  whatever  calling  it  may  be,  than  needlessly 
he  is  forthwith  molested  by  constant  demands  ed  upon ; 
upon  the  time,  which  should  be  reserved  to 
maintain  that  eminence,  and  to  make  it  useful 
to  the  world.     It  must  be  noted  too,  that  these 
demands  are  made  mostly  in  matters  which 
are  extraneous  to  the  calling,  in  which  the 
unfortunate  man  has  arrived  at  distinction. 

It  would  be  well,  if  it  were  only  his  time 
which  is  thus  unreasonably  encroached  upon,  and  their 

T»  r  11111  -i  energies 

But  we   are   often   deluded  by  vague  ideas  weakened, 
about  that  word  time.     It  is  energy  which  is 
thus  lowered  and  absorbed.      People  forget, 
that   the   energy   of    their    fellow-men   is   a 

M 


1 62  THE   WANT  OF  TIME 


CHAP,     limited  quantity,  and  that  a  certain  amount  of 
' — • — '   energy  is  exhausted,  even  by  that  which  may 

appear  to  be  but  a  small  demand  upon  time. 
Moreover,  and  this  is  a   most  important 

consideration,    when   frequent   demands    are 

by  small      made  upon  the  time  of  any  great  man,  in  re- 
matters 
intruded      gard  to  small  matters,  which  ought  never  to 

upon 

them.  have  keen  brought  before  him  at  all,  he  is  apt 
to  be  satisfied  with  the  exertions  which  he 
has  made  in  reference  to  these  small  matters, 
and  to  put  aside  those  things,  which  require 
severe  and  continuous  thought. 

instance          I  shall  here  refer  to  a  fact  which,  I  believe, 

in  point. 

I  have  mentioned  elsewhere  ;  but  which  may 
serve  to  convey,  to  any  reader  who  has  not 
much  experience  of  official  life,  what  pressure 
is  put,  in  this  respect,  upon  the  foremost 
statesmen  of  the  day.  Going  into  the  office 
of  one  of  these  statesmen,  early  one  morning, 
I  found  his  private  secretary  packing  up  the 
letters,  that  had  arrived  for  the  Minister  by 
that  morning's  post.  This  Minister,  whose 
enforced  absence  from  official  life  we  have 
now  to  deplore,  was  then  failing  in  health, 
and  had  gone,  for  a  day  or  two,  into  the 


FOR  STATESMANSHIP.  163 

country,  to  obtain  some  rest     I  remarked  to    CHAP. 

XVI. 

the  secretary,  that  it  was  a  large   batch  of  ' — - — ' 
letters.    *  Yes/  he  replied,  *  I  had  the  curiosity 
to  count   them  ;    there   are    a   hundred  and  private 
eight     These   are   only   the  private   letters  ^*fof. 
that  have  arrived  this  morning.     The  official 
letters  are  first  opened,  and  seen  by  us  in  the 
office.     Then  there  will  be  another  batch  of 
private,  as  well  as  of  public  letters,  to  be  for- 
warded in  the  afternoon.1 

Now,  it  is  very  well  to  say  that  a  large 
proportion  of  these  letters  were,  doubtless,  of 
a  comparatively  insignificant  character ;  and 
that  they  might  have  been  disposed  of  in  a 
few  words  of  direction,  and  without  much 
expenditure  of  thought  But  the  number  Their 

TVT  11  •        i.  ill-effect 

tells.  No  man  deals,  even  in  the  most  per- 
functory manner,  with  a  hundred  and  eight 
letters,  without  undergoing  considerable  exer- 
tion of  mind.  There  are  sure  to  be,  amongst 
them,  letters  from  colleagues,  from  subor 
di nates,  from  political  or  personal  friends, 
which  will  require  careful  answering. 

I  have  illustrated  above  only  one  branch 
of  the  subject  If  the  Minister  had  been  in 

M2 


1 64  THE    WANT  OF  TIME 


CHAP,     town,  there  would  have  been  a  constant  suc- 

XVI 

" — • — '  cession  of  visitors,  perhaps  of  deputations 
requiring  interviews ;  and,  considering  the 
responsible  position  of  a  Minister,  each  of 
these  interviews  would  oblige  him  to  be  upon 
his  guard,  and  would  require  a  certain  tension 

statesmen   of  the  mind.     Statesmen  are,  for  the  most 

hardened 

to  labour,  part,  hardened  to  labour,  before  they  rise  to 
any  eminence,  otherwise  their  health  would 
almost  certainly  break  down  at  an  early 
period  after  their  taking  high  office. 

It  is  not,  however,  their  health  that  I  am 
now  considering,  but  their  time  and  their 
energy.  I  have  forborne  dwelling  upon  the 
large  amount  of  time,  and,  occasionally,  of 
energy  which  is  consumed,  often  very  fruit- 
Ministers  lessly,  in  the  attendance  of  Ministers  in  Par- 

in  Parlia-      •,. 

ment.         hament. 

After  this  partial  insight  into  a  Minister's 
daily  life,  is  it  to  be  wondered  at,  if,  except 
in  rare  instances,  he  does  not  give  that 
minute,  continuous  and  patient  consideration 
to  the  preparation  of  great  measures,  which 
they  imperatively  require  ? 

But  this  is  not  the  whole  of  the  evil.  There 


FOR  STATESMANSHIP.  105 


is  great  danger,  that  a  man  so  occupied,  will     CHAP. 
not  be  able  to  give  the  requisite  attention  to  ' — - — - 

the  current  work  of  his  Office.     And,  after  Adminis- 
tration as 
all,   careful   administration  is  a  duty  incum-  important 

as  legisla- 

bent  on  a  Minister,  of  quite  as  important  a  tion- 
nature  as  judicious  legislation. 

It  is  very  desirable,  that  men,  holding  the 
highest  offices  in  the  State,  should,  whatever 
other  labours  they  may  undertake,  reserve 
sufficient  time  for  the  duties  of  administration. 
The  Office  should  not  be  sacrificed,  as  it  were,  Depart- 

T^I      i-  -11    i  i    •  mentsnot 

to  Parliament :  still  less  to  any  other  claims  to  be 

sacrificed 

which  may  be  made  upon  the  Minister's  time  to  Parlia- 
ment. 

and  attention. 

I  believe,  that  if  the  chief  permanent 
officers  of  the  British  Government  were 
called  together,  and  were  asked,  what  it  is 
they  most  desire,  they  would  say,  even  in 
preference  to  their  official  salaries  being 
raised,  that  what  they  most  wish  is,  that  more  More  time 

needed  for 

time  should  be  given  to  them  by  their  Par-  office 

work. 

liamentary  chiefs.  No  amount  of  ability,  not 
even  of  that  special  ability  which  consists  in 
rapid  seizing  of  the  points  of  a  case,  makes 
up  for  this  deficiency  of  time.  For  my  own 


1 66  THE    WANT  OF  TIME 

CHAP,     part,  I  have  often  said  that,  in  submitting  a 
— • — '  difficult  matter  for  decision,  I  would  rather 
have  twenty  minutes  with  a  man,  not,  per- 
haps, of  the  highest  ability,  than  ten  minutes 
only  with  a  man  of  supreme  ability. 
Time  This  view  may  be  illustrated  by  what  hap- 

needed  to 

master  pens  when  any  suit  is  brought  into  Court. 
We  are  often  told,  and  justly,  that  we,  who 
have  not  been  present  in  Court,  cannot 
thoroughly  judge  of  the  case.  There  is  some- 
thing of  the  same  kind  in  all  cases,  whether 
legal  or  official.  1 1  will  not  always  do  to  present 
an  abstract  of  a  document.  Often  it  should 
be  read  through,  by  the  man  who  has  to  give 
a  final  decision  upon  the  case  to  which  it 
refers.  Few  people,  especially  in  an  age  in 
which  there  is  a  great  aversion  to  respon- 
sibility, convey  directly  their  full  thought  upon 
any  great  matter  they  write  about ;  but 
something,  if  not  much,  is  left  to  be  inferred. 
And  the  right  inference  can  only  be  drawn, 
by  very  careful  attention  to  the  wording  of  the 
document  itself. 

Before  concluding  this  part  of  the  subject, 
I  must  observe,  as  I  believe  I  have  previously 


FOR  STATESMANSHIP.  167 


observed,  that  in  the  best  permanent  officials,     CHAP. 

XVI. 

there  is  always  a  great  desire  to  be  in  perfect  ' — • — ' 
accord  with  their  chiefs.     These  permanent  and  to 
officers    are  well   aware    that   their   duty   is  subordi- 

.  nates  tho- 

merely  to  carry  out  exactly  the  views  and  roughly. 
wishes  of  those  chiefs ;  and,  when  they  fail  to 
do  so,  it  is,  in  nine  instances  out  of  ten,  from 
having  imperfectly  gathered,  (by  reason  of  the 
shortness  of  the  interview,)  the  views  of  their 
superiors,  and  not  from  indulging  in  any 
crotchets  of  their  own. 

We  have  seen  something  of  the  nature  of  A 
a    Minister's  work    during   the  Session,  and  holidays 
while  he  is  administering   his   Department ; 
but  his  holidays  are  often  very  joyless,  cer-  often  very 
tainly  very  peaceless,  when   compared   with 
those  of  other  men.    The  British  people  keep 
their  <  chief  statesmen  well  in  public  view,  at 
all  times.     And,  unless  a  Minister  quits  the 
country,  which  he  is  seldom  able  to  do,  his 
vacation  is  frequently  as  full  of  work,  as  other 
men's  busiest  time. 


It  is  always  an  ungrateful  task  to  comment  Remedies 

.  proposed. 

upon  an  evil,  without  suggesting  any  reme- 


1 68  THE    WANT  OF  TIME 


CHAP,    dies  for  it.     In  this  matter  I  have  three  reme- 

XVI. 

' — • — '  dies  to  propose. 

The  first,  and  greatest,  is  one  which  can 
only  succeed  if  it  meet  with  a  just  appreci- 
ation on  the  part  of  the  public,  to  whose 
considerateness  I  would  appeal. 

It  is,  that  people  in  general  should  exercise 
great  forbearance,  as  regards  taking  up  the 
time  of  Ministers,  by  communications  which 
need  not  be  addressed  to  them.  I  am  sure, 
if  it  were  only  from  pity,  the  public  would  be 
more  careful  than  they  are  in  this  matter, 

Unneces-    could  they  but  know  how  constant  and  severe 

sary  com- 

munka-  is  the  necessary  pressure  upon  the  time  and 
attention  of  those  men  who  have  to  conduct 
the  affairs  of  this  great  and  growing  Empire. 
The  second  remedy  which  I  propose,  can 
only  be  made  effectual,  if  it  is  fully  appre- 
ciated, and  generously  acted  up  to,  by  Mem- 
bers of  Parliament. 

Number          It  is,  that,  as  regards  Parliamentary  work, 
»iunsfasiced  there  should  be  more  consideration  for  Minis- 

in  Parlia-  ,  .  ,-p,.,  , 

ment.  ters,  than  there  is  at  present.  I  he  number 
of  questions  asked  in  Parliament,  in  the 
present  day,  is  most  unreasonable.  A  man 


FOR  STATESMANSHIP.  169 

whose  experience  of  Parliamentary  proceed-    CHAP. 
ings  is  of  very  long  standing,  was  asked,  in  v- — <— ' 
my  presence,  whether    Pitt  was  careful   and 
elaborate  in  answering  questions  in  the  House 
of  Commons.    '  Yes/  was  the  reply,  '  he  was ; 
but  then,  you  know,  questions  in  Parliament 
were  rare  things  ;  never  more  than  three  or 
four  at  a  sitting/ 

There  are  other  matters,  also,  in  which 
a  Minister's  time  and  attention  might  be 
spared.  In  the  conduct  of  a  Bill  of  many  Conduct 

of  a  Bill  in 

clauses  through  Committee,  there  is  often 
great  waste  of  a  Minister's  time,  by  the  at- 
tempt, on  the  part  of  persons  who  have  not 
really  studied  the  Bill,  to  introduce  amend- 
ments and  interpolations,  which  go  far  to 
destroy  the  Bill  as  a  whole.  This  practice 
calls  upon  the  Minister  to  exercise  the  utmost 
dexterity,  to  prevent  his  Bill  from  becoming 
an  inconsistent  mass  of  crude  legislation. 

My  third  remedy  is  purely-  of  an  official 
character,  and  can  be  applied  by  Ministers 
themselves,  if  they  should  coincide  with  me 
in  thinking,  that  it  is  worth  while  to  take 
some  pains  in  doing  so. 


ment. 


I  70  WANT  OF  TIME  FOR  STATESMANSHIP. 

CHAP.         It  is  to  provide,  in  every  Department,  some 

<X.  V  1, 

1  •"""  person,  or  persons,  who  shall  not  be  absorbed 
by  the  current  business  of  the  Department — 
who  should  not  be  concerned  so  much  with 
what  is  being  done,  as  with  what  should  be 
done,  and  with  what  should  be  provided  for 
in  the  future.  This  is  the  person  with  whom 
the  Minister  should  have  much  converse 
during  that  period  of  time  which  is  facetiously 
called  his  holidays.  This  third  remedy  is, 
to  a  certain  extent,  a  new  proposal.  But  it 
must  be  remembered,  that  as  the  nation 
rapidly  increases  in  numbers,  and  as  civili- 
zation advances,  more  and  more  subjects  of 
interest,  requiring  either  government  inter- 
ference or  government  abstinence,  have  to 
be  considered ;  and  that  our  chief  public 
servants  have  need  of  every  aid  that  can 
be  given  them,  to  meet  the  ever-increasing 
demand  upon  their  time  and  upon  their 
energies. 


UNIVERSITY 


I 


CHAPTER   XVII. 


GOVERNMENT  AND  THE  PRESS. 


T  would  be  ridiculous  to  suppose,  that  a    CHAP. 

XVII. 

free  press  will  not  have  great  power  in   — • 
whatever    country   it   may   exist,    or    under  power 
whatever  government.     This  power  will  be  Press. 
due,  not  only  to  the  skill  which  the   press 
may  show  in  advocacy,  but  also  to  the  fact, 
that  it   has,  in   general,    the   opportunity  of 
commencing  the  discussion  of  great  political 
affairs,  thereby   anticipating   the   views   and 
intentions  of  the  Government  and  the  Op- 
position, and,  in  short,  of  gaining  the  public 
ear  in  the  first  instance.     If  any  part  of  the  Alliance 

with 

press  enters  into  close  alliance  with  any  great  political 

parties. 

political  party,  that  part  of  the  press  loses 
much  of  its  influence ;  for  the  public  desires 
the  press  to  represent  its  views  and  wishes, 
and  does  not  delight  in  manifest  advocacy 
on  behalf  of  political  parties. 


172  GOVERNMENT  AND   THE  PRESS. 


CHAP.         Such  a  power,  as  that  of  the  press,  can- 

XVII. 

'  not  be  ignored ;  at  least  it  would  be  senseless 

on  the  part  of  any  government  to  ignore  it. 
Relations         Then    comes   the    question,    as    to   what 
press  and    should  be  the  relations  between  the  press  and 

govern- 

ment.  government.  Before  all  things,  these  rela- 
tions should  not  be  slavish  on  either  side. 
They  should,  if  possible,  be  friendly ;  and,  at 
any  rate,  should  be  just  By  'just,'  I  mean, 
that  communications  from  government,  upon 
matters  respecting  which  the  public  may  fairly 
claim  early  information,  should  be  imparted 
simultaneously  to  all  the  principal  organs  of 
the  press. 

Motives          It  would,  also,  be  very  desirable,  I  think, 

sometimes  t        */••••  i 

to  be  com-  that   not   merely   information,  but   the   mo- 

municated 

to  the        tives  for  action  on  the  part  of  government, 

press. 

should,  on  some  occasions,  be  communicated 
to  the  leading  newspapers.  This  may,  at 
first  sight,  appear  to  be  an  undignified  mode 
of  proceeding,  but  it  would  often  prevent 
error,  and  obviate  misunderstanding.  The 
press,  not  knowing  what  are  the  motives 
which  influence  government  in  regard  to 
any  course  which  government  proposes  to 


GOVERNMENT  AND   THE  PRESS.  173  - 

take,  begins  to  write  upon  the  subject  with     CHAP. 

XVII. 

very  imperfect  knowledge  ;  and  then,  having   — • — ' 
once  taken  up  a  line  of  argument,  continues 
to  support  that  line  for  the  sake  of  consist- 
ency, and  somewhat  in  the  spirit  of  partizan- 
ship. 

The  advantage  of  making  such  communi-  Such  in- 
formation 

cations  as  are  here  proposed  to  be  made,  will,  should  ** 
doubtless,  be  greatest  in  those  affairs  (and  they 
are  many)  which  are  not,  or,  at  least  ought 
not  to  be,  connected  with  party  feeling.  When 
government  is  resolved  to  take,  or  is  in- 
clined to  take  action  in  respect  to  some 
matter  of  a  complicated  nature,  not  involving 
great  political  questions,  nor  perhaps  indeed 
any  political  questions  at  all,  there  would,  in 
my  judgment,  be  a  great  advantage  in  allow- 
ing the  press  to  be  very  fully  informed  by 
Ministers  as  to  the  motives  for  that  action. 
There  is  one  point,  relating  to  this  subject,  int 

tual  power 

which  requires  to  be   fully  considered,  and  of  a  De- 
partment 

which  is  very  rarely  considered  at  all.  It 
has  regard  to  the  relative  intellectual  power, 
at  the  command  of  any  particular  Department 
of  government,  and  at  the  command  of  the 


174  GOVERNMENT  AND   THE  PRESS. 

CHAP,    press.      Most  people  never  know,  or  if  they 

^x  \    1  1, 

"~ f~~  '  do  know  are  apt  to  forget,  what  is  the  intel- 
lectual power  at  the  service  of  any  Department 
of  the  State.  A  Department  consists,  for  the 
most  part,  of  a  high  political  officer,  in  one  or 
the  other  of  the  Houses  of  Parliament.  To 
aid  him  there  is  a  political  Under-Secretary, 
a  permanent  Under-Secretary,  a  chief  clerk, 
and,  perhaps,  four  or  five  senior  clerks.  As 
a  general  rule,  all  of  these  men  are  men  of 
ability,  at  least  of  an  ability  above  the  ave- 
rage. Moreover,  they  have  the  advantage 
of  a  large  command  of  information  ;  but  they 
are  very  busy  men,  and  they  have  very  little 
time  to  spare  for  defending  what  they  do. 

Literary          On  the  other  hand,  the  press  has  the  means 

power  of 

the  press,  of  engaging  in  its  service  the  cleverest  writers 
of  the  day  ;  and  it  can  change  them  from  time 
to  time.  The  power,  therefore,  that  it  has 
of  bringing  into  the  field  good  argument, 
expressed  in  good  language,  in  hostility  to 
any  Department,  is  very  great ;  and  is  some- 
times absolutely  oppressive. 

It  is  also  to  be  borne  in  mind,  that  men  in 
office   are  under  great  restraint.      It  is  not 


GOVERNMENT  AND    THE  PRESS.  175 

allowed  to  them  to  give  explanations,  except    CHAP. 

XVII. 

at  the    time,    and    in    the   place,  when    and  ' — • — ' 
where,  as  it  is  supposed,  it  is  fitting  to  give 
such  explanations. 

I  do  not  think  I  have  exaggerated  these 
relative  conditions  of  power,  which  at  times 
are  very  adverse  to  government  Depart- 
ments ;  they  seem  to  me  to  point  to  three 
conclusions. 

First :    That  the  public,  keeping  in  mind  Public 

should 

that  the  government  Office,  which  is  subject  reserve 

opinion. 

to  hostile  criticism,  may  have  a  great  deal  to 
say  for  itself,  but  which  it  cannot  say — or 
cannot  say  it  then  and  there — should  en- 
deavour to  reserve  its  final  opinion  on  the 
matter  in  question,  whatever  that  may  be. 

Secondly  :  That  the  press,  keeping  in  mind  Advan- 
tages of 
the  advantage  which  it  has  over  the  govern-  the  press 

not  to 

ment  Office,  in  regard  to  the  conditions  before  be  used 

ungene- 

mentioned,  should  endeavour  not  to  employ  rously- 
that  advantage  ungenerously. 

Thirdly :    That    the    government   Office,  informa- 
tion to  be 
when  it  can  with  propriety  do  so,  should  dis- 

close,  at  an  early  date,  those  facts,  motives, 
and  objects,  respecting  which  it  feels,  that  if 


176  GOVERNMENT  AND   THE  PRESS. 

CHAP,     the  public  knew  all,  the  public  would  probably 

.X.  V 11. 

'      r~~     be  on  its  side. 

Of  course  this  could  not  be  done  in  any 
government  where  the  proceedings  are  of  a 
sinister  kind ;  but  the  Government  of  this 
country  is  so  honestly  administered,  and  with 
so  much  care  for  the  public  welfare,  that  it 
could  often  afford  to  act  in  this  open  and 
candid  manner. 

Public  It  has  been  said,  and  said  truly,  that  the 

working  ...  . 

of  the         working   of  government  in  this  country   is 

British 

govern-       like  that  of  bees  in  a  glass  hive.     There  are 

ment 

certain  disadvantages  in  this  mode  of  work- 
ing ;  but  in  a  free  country,  with  a  free  press, 
I  do  not  see  how  they  are  to  be  obviated. 
All  I  would  desire  is,  that  the  glass  should 
not  be  coloured  or  stained,  or,  in  less  meta- 
phorical language,  that  from  the  first  there 
should  be  the  least  opportunity  given  for  mis- 
understanding, and  misrepresenting  the  wishes 
and  intentions  of  any  government  Depart- 
ment 


I 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

ECONOMY  IN   GOVERNMENT. 

T  is  a  favourite  maxim  with  many  of  the    CHAP. 

-    ,        ,  XVIII. 

governing  persons  oi  the  day,  and  notably  ' — r-— 
with  economical  reformers,  that  '  you  must  not 
be  generous  with  other  people's  money/ 

That  I  deny.     When  you  are  in  an  office  Gene- 

rosity. 

of  great  trust,  and  have  to  deal  with  other 
people's  money,  it  is  your  business  to  try  to 
deal  with  it  as  though  it  were  your  own  ;  and 
the  highest  functions  of  your  trust  may,  in 
the  interest  of  those  for  whom  you  have  to 
act,  compel  you  to  be  generous.  In  fact,  if 
you  are  not  generous  with  their  money,  you 
are  often  doing  them  a  great  injustice  and 
a  manifest  dis-service. 

An  error  of  the  kind  alluded  to  has  crept  Lawyers' 

advice. 

into  men's  minds,  and  may  be  well  exempli- 
fied by  the  advice  lawyers  sometimes  give  to 
their  clients.     How  many  lasting  family  feuds 
N 


1  78  ECONOMY  IN  GOVERNMENT. 


have  arisen,  because  a  client  has  listened  to 
his  lawyer,  ignoring  his  own  feelings  ;  and 
all  the  while  the  lawyer  has  given  advice  qua 
lawyer,  and  if  he  had  not  been  advising  a 
client,  if  it  had  been  purely  his  own  affair,  he 
would  have  acted  with  a  spirit  of  generosity, 
which  he  now  contends  is  not,  for  a  moment, 
to  be  listened  to. 
False  I  am  in  general  much  disinclined  to  indulge 

economy 

may  in    prophecy  ;    but,   for   once,    I    will   break 

cause  a 

great          through  the  rule,  and  will  venture  to  say  that, 

disaster, 

I  shall  not  be  surprised  if  some  small  economy 
should,  on  some  great  emergency,  prove  to 
be  a  pregnant  cause  of  disaster  to  the  nation 
in  which  that  small  economy  has  been  prac- 
tised, causing  fatal  detriment  to  some  im- 
portant national  force. 
yet  ofte,n  It  is  to  be  remembered,  that  all  economy, 

a  very 

plausible     judicious   or    injudicious,    is    a    wonderfully 

thing. 

plausible  thing  ;  and,  moreover,  it  has  this 
specious  advantage,  that  it  can  be  stated  so 
undeniably  —  in  black  and  white,  as  we  say. 
For  example,  the  holder  of  an  office  dies. 
The  rigid  economist,  who  has  power  in  the 
matter,  sees  that  here  is  an  opportunity  for 
effecting  a  saving  to  the  public,  as  he  calls 


ECONOMY  IN  GOVERNMENT. 


I79 


it.     We  will  say,  that  the  late  holder  of  the    CHAP. 

xvm. 
office,  received  8oo/.  a-year,  and  did  good  ser-  * — • — 

vice  for  it  The  economist  abolishes  the  office  A  case 
altogether,  throwing  the  duties  of  it  upon  some  economy, 
other  holder  of  office,  with  a  slight  increase  of 
his  salary.  The  public  is  saved,  perhaps, 
7oo/.  a-year,  according  to  the  figures.  But 
(and  I  am  not  drawing  upon  my  fancy  for  the 
facts)  the  new  duties  are  imposed  upon  a  man 
who,  though  intelligent  and  clever  enough  in 
other  respects,  is  wofully  unfit  to  perform 
these  new  functions.  He  is,  for  instance,  well 
versed  in  calculation,  and  has  gained  much 
credit  by  the  advice  which  he  has  given  to 
government  upon  matters  of  finance.  He 
is  now  to  have  by  this  addition  to  his  duties,  a 
function  to  perform  which  requires,  perhaps, 
much  knowledge  of  men,  and  much  skill 
in  managing  them.  It  is  to  be  expected, 
that  he  will  fail  in  the  performance  of  the 
new  duties,  and  thereby  a  pecuniary  loss  to 
the  public  may  be  occasioned,  in  comparison 
with  which  the  saving  that  has  been  effected 
by  the  abolition  of  the  office  is  wholly  incom- 
mensurable. 

N2 


l8o  ECONOMY  IN  GOVERNMENT. 

CHAP.         There  is  not  anything  which  rewards  the 

.A.  V  J.  1 J.. 

individual    employer   of  labour   better   than 
Trust  in      supreme  trust  in  his  agents.     For  once  that 

agents. 

this  trust  is  abused,  it  is  used,  nay  it  is  made 
remunerative,  in  a  hundred  instances.  If  you 
do  not  trust  your  agents  thoroughly,  even  in 
matters  of  expense,  you  must  organize  a  sys- 
tem of  checking,  which  is  of  itself  expensive  ; 
and,  what  is  much  worse,  is  a  hindrance  that 
tends  to  efface  responsibility,  and  to  prevent 
rapidity  of  action. 
Distrust  As  I  am,  however,  dealing  with  the  ques- 

false 

economy,  tion  of  economy,  pure  and  simple,  it  is,  as 
regards  that  question  alone,  that  I  maintain 
that  the  economy,  which  is  sought  to  be 
obtained  by  a  system  of  distrust,  is  likely  to 
result  in  increased  expense.  For  example, 
take  any  one  of  the  great  Offices  of  State. 
If  every  item  of  their  expenditure  is  to  be 
supervised  by  other  Departments,  there  is 
great  expense  in  this  supervision ;  and  there 
is  no  impulse  given  to  the  heads  of  the  office 
to  regard  economy  in  their  expenditure,  as  a 
thing  for  which  they  are  responsible,  and  for 
effecting  which  they  are  to  have  the  entire 


ECONOMY  IN  GOVERNMENT.  l8l  . 

credit.     If,  on  the  other  hand,  they  are  in-    CHAP. 

xvui. 
trusted,  to  a  certain  extent,  with  the  control  "~ — - — ' 

of  their  own  expenses,  they  are  more  likely  to 
have  a  pride  in  keeping  those  expenses  within 
due  bounds,  and  at  the  same  time  they  will 
always  have  a  great  care  not  to  impair  the 
efficiency  of  their  respective  offices,  which  is, 
naturally,  the  first  thing  that  a  Department 
looks  to,  and  ought  to  look  to. 

No  person,  who  has  not  had  any  expe-  Ridiculous 
rience  of  the  effect  of  ridiculous  supervision  vision. 
as  regards  small  matters  of  expense  in  public 
Offices,  can  imagine  how  much  loss  of  valu- 
able time,  and  increase  of  worry  are  occasioned 
by  this  interference — as  for  instance,  when  it 
descends  into  such  particulars  (not  imaginary) 
as  this — Whether,  in  the  opinion  of  one 
office,  a  broom  is  sufficiently  worn  out  by  use 
in  another  office  to  make  it  necessary  that  a 
new  broom  should  be  provided.  Moreover, 
and  this  is  no  small  point,  men's  dignity  is 
hurt  by  being  obliged  to  deal  with  these 
absurdly  trivial  questions ;  and  a  man,  per- 
haps one  in  high  authority,  curses  in  his  heart 
the  having  taken  service  with  an  employer 


1 82  ECONOMY  IN  GOVERNMENT. 

CHAP,     who  thinks  fit  to  vex  him,  and  take  up  his 

XVIII. 

^-— ^—  '  time  with  questions  of  this  nature. 

True  Hitherto  we   have   been  considering   the 

economy,  . 

errors  of  a  false  and  spurious  economy,  but 
there  is  a  real  and  true  economy,  which  the 
public  servants  of  our  own,  or  any  other 
country,  may  be  educated  to  regard  as  one  of 
their  highest  and  best  functions. 

In  private  life,  in  works  executed  by  the 
agents  of  any  large  and  wise  employer  of 
labour,  you  will  mostly  find  a  devotion  to 
their  master  in  matters  of  expense,  which 
makes  them  more  careful  and  saving  of  his 
a  result  money  than  he  is  himself.  That  man  has 

of  trust. 

seen  but  little  of  the  world,  or  has  been  very 
unobservant,  who  has  not  noticed  many  in- 
stances of  this,  the  highest,  the  best,  and  the 
most  continuous  economy  ;  and  it  is  one  which 
can  be  elicited  by  judicious  trust,  and  by  im- 
posing upon  agents  that  responsibility  which 
is  a  source  of  enlightenment,  as  well  as  of 
the  most  unselfish  and  dutiful  action.  \ 

Before  dismissing  this  subject,  I  must  re- 
turn to  that  branch  of  public  economy,  which 
consists  in  the  abolition  of  offices.  In  what 


ECONOMY  IN  GOVERNMENT.  183 

I  have  before  said,  this  question  was  treated    CHAP. 

^      m  XVIIL 

in  reference  only  to  the  duties  of  the  office,  "- — • — ^ 
which  has  been  abolished,  being  committed  to  Abolition 

of  offices. 

persons  who  are  unfitted  to  perform  them. 
But  there  is  a  question  of  a  very  different 
nature  which  requires  like  consideration.     If 
you  wish   government   to  be   conducted   in 
such  a  manner,  that  there  is  much  hopefulness 
left  for  the  persons  who  are  employed  under 
it,  you  must  have  offices  which  should  be  the  Reward 
reward  of   long,  or  of  special   service,   but  vices, 
which  should  not  in  themselves  be  offices  of 
excessive  work,  though  not  mere  sinecures. 

For  example  :  there  shall  be  some  Board 
or  Commission  consisting  of  five  members. 
The  work,  we  will  suppose,  could  really  be 
done  by  four,  if  each  one  of  those  four  worked 
at  the  full  stretch  of  his  power.  With  a  large- 
sighted  view  of  the  public  service,  it  may  be 
most  desirable  to  retain  that  fifth  place,  con- 
sidering it  only  as  a  reward  for  public  service. 
There  are  many  persons  employed  in  the 
civil  service  of  this  country,  who  cannot 
otherwise  be  fitly  rewarded. 

There  is  scarcely  a  more  important  office, 


184  ECONOMY  IN  GOVERNMENT. 

CHAP,     under  government,  than  that  of  private  secre- 

.X.  V  111. 

*      •      '  tary  to  a  Cabinet  Minister.    The  Minister,  for 
Private       his  own  sake,  generally  takes  care  to  make  a 

secretaries, 

very  good  choice  in  this  matter.  The  choice, 
in  the  first  instance,  mostly,  falls  upon  a  very 
young  man.  The  relation  of  parties  in  this 
country,  unlike  that  of  other  countries,  has  ' 
in  it,  on  the  whole,  so  little  of  hostile  bit- 
terness, that  this  private  secretary  is  very 
frequently  recommended  by  the  out-going 
to  the  in-coming  Minister;  and  the  recom- 
mendation is  accepted.  Thus  it  happens, 
that  a  man  is  often  employed  for  many  years 
as  a  private  secretary  to  successive  Ministers. 
How  is  this  man  to  be  rewarded  ?  The 
reward  has  generally  been  found  for  him  by 
appointing  him,  after  many  years  of  hard 
and  anxious  service,  as  a  member  of  some 
government  Board. 

What  I  have  said,  with  regard  to  private 
secretaries,  applies  to  other  official  persons. 
how  to  be        Now,  there   is    an    answer,  at  first   sight 

rewarded. 

plausible,  which  may  be  given  to  this  line 
of  argument.  It  might  be  said,  always  pay 
a  man  at  once  exactly  for  the  service  he  does, 


ECONOMY  IN  GOVERNMENT.  185 

~  . — — — . __ 

and  leave  hope    out    of   the  question.     Mv    CHAP. 

*     xvni. 
answer  is,  that  you  would  not  get  such  good  ' — • — ' 

work,  and  that  you  would  put  a  young  man 
quite  out  of  his  place  in  the  Civil  Service,  and 
probably  do  him  a  great  deal  of  harm,  if  you 
were  to  reduce  his  expectancy  to  an  imme- 
diate money  payment. 

To  put  the  matter  in  a  more  general  form,  Proposal 

for 

you   must  have  some  offices   in   the   public  rewarding 

service. 

service  corresponding  to  the  Deaneries  and 
Canonries  in  the  Church,  to  which  you  may 
appoint  men  whom  you  have  tried  in  subor- 
dinate employments ;  and  to  reward  whom 
you  will  find  no  better  way  than  by  conferring 
upon  them  appointments  of  more  dignity  and 
more  pay,  though  perhaps  involving  less  ex- 
acting work.  No  service  of  the  State  will  Hope  of 

reward 

be  conducted  well,  in  which  you  cut  off  the  should 

always 

sources  of  hope.     And,  with  regard  to  the  exist. 
severest  economy,  it  will  be  found  that  the 
abolition  of  an   office,  such    as  I   have  de- 
scribed, is  ultimately  a  very  bad  bargain  for 
the  public. 

It  was  a  very  bold  saying,  in  which  I  ven- 
tured  to  declare,  at  the   beginning  of  this 


1 86  ECONOMY  iti  GOVERNMENT. 

CHAP.  Essay,  that  it  was  necessary  sometimes  to  be 
*- — • — '  generous  with  the  public  money.  This  say- 
ing may,  however,  be  thoroughly  justified,  if 
we  acknowledge  the  fact  that  the  first  thing 
to  be  aimed  at  by  the  government,  or  by  any 
employer,  is  to  get  the  best  service.  Good 

Best          service,  good  paid  service  (I  am  one  of  those 

service»  11-         •  -i          •    \ 

how          who  do  not  believe  in  unpaid  service),  must 

obtained. 

be  handsomely  remunerated,  whether  the  em- 
ployer of  labour  is  a  private  individual  or 
the  State.  I  would  have  the  State  to  be 
considered  as  the  most  generous  employer  of 
labour,  so  that  it  should  ever  have  the  best 
name  for  liberality  in  the  labour  market,  and , 
be  able  to  attract  to  itself  whatever  form  of 
talent  it  may  wish  to  command. 

It  may  be  a  somewhat  subtle  and  Machia- 
vellian way  of  looking  at  the  matter ;  but  I 
have  ever  observed,  that  occasional  acts  of 
extreme  generosity  on  the  part  of  an  em- 
ployer have  an  almost  disproportionate  effect 
in  inducing  men  to  seek  for  work  under  that 
man  ;  and  that,  to  express  the  matter  vulgarly, 
nothing  pays  better  than  these  occasional 
acts  of  generosity. 


ECONOMY  IN  GOVERNMENT.  187 

In  fine,  while  pursuing  a  system  of  just    CHAP. 

yv  \  111. 

economy,  a  government  should  always  avoid  "  ' 
such  a  lowering  of  salaries  and  rewards  of  all 
kinds  as  would  render  its  service  less  than  it 
ought  to  be  to  men  of  talent  and  education, 
of  whom,  happily,  there  is  no  lack  in  this 
country. 


CHAPTER   XIX 

DIPLOMACY. 

CHAP.    WE  hardly  ever  give  credit  enough  to  in- 

XIX. 

^r—  '  venters.  Custom  has  rendered  dull  our  per- 
ception of  the  audacity  of  their  enterprizes, 
and  of  the  difficulty  they  must  have  had  in 
persuading  other  people  to  adopt  their  inven- 
tions. The  wheel  seems  a  simple  thing ;  but, 
doubtless,  ages  passed  away  before  a  man 
was  found  skilful  enough  to  invent  a  wheel, 
and  persevering  enough  to  induce  his  fellow- 
men  to  make  use  of  this  new  and  strange 
invention.  The  fork  is  an  implement  of 
comparatively  recent  invention ;  and  it  gives 
almost  a  new  view  of  the  great  men  of  the 
world  to  think  that,  except  in  China,  up  to  the 
sixteenth  century,  they  chiefly  employed  their 

Diplomacy  fingers  in  eating. 

invention.        Now,  though  we  hardly  ever  consider  diplo- 


DIPLOMACY.  189 


macy  as  a  new  invention,  it  certainly  is  so.     CHAP. 
If  we  turn  to  the  history  of  savage  nations,  ' — • — 
or  of  nations  in  a  partial  state  of  civilization, 
we  do  not  find  that  any  such  thing  as  di- 
plomacy existed  amongst  them.     Ambassa-  Ambas- 

*  sadors 

dors  were  frequently  sent  from  one  people  to  originally 

special 

another  (the  word  ambassador  originally  envoys. 
meant  only  messenger),  and  it  was  a  very 
great  invention,  in  the  progress  of  national 
life,  when  ambassadors  became  resident 
diplomatists,  and  permanent  representatives 
of  Sovereigns,  or  of  sovereign  States.  It 
may  be  wondered  how  any  nation  was 
induced  to  allow  certain  men  from  another 
nation,  to  come  and  reside  amongst  them, 
and  to  enjoy  privileges  of  immunity,  when 
their  functions  were  somewhat  of  the  nature 
of  espial ;  and  when  they  were  expected  to 
give  information  to  their  own  government, 
of  much  that  might  be  prejudicial  to  the 
people  amongst  whom  they  were  to  reside. 
I  seem  to  hear  all  the  remarks,  that  the 
extreme  conservatives  in  any  nation  must 
have  made,  when  it  was  first  proposed  that 
ambassadors  should  not  merely  come  with 


190 


DIPLOMACY. 


Misunder- 
standing 
the  main 
cause  of 
quarrels. 


CHAP.     a  message  and  return  with    an  answer,  but 

XIX. 

~~*~~~  '  that  they  should  take  up  their  abode  at 
some  central  place  in  a  foreign  dominion. 
Ultimately,  however,  the  uses  of  diplomacy 
have  been  discerned  by  almost  all  nations ; 
and  these  uses  are  very  great. 

I  suppose  it  would  be  generally  admitted, 
that  one  of  the  main  causes  of  quarrels, 
whether  domestic  or  national,  is  misunder- 
standing. Now,  resident  diplomatists  cer- 
tainly have  great  opportunities  of  removing 
misunderstandings  between  nations.  Some 
persons  have  accused  diplomatists  of  having 
furthered  rather  than  prevented  wars.  This, 
however,  is  a  most  unjust  accusation ;  and  I 
think  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  if  the 
negotiations  of  nations  in  regard  to  the 
great  matters  of  peace  and  war,  were  car- 
ried on  by  ambassadors  (using  the  word  in 
its  strict  sense),  who  went  and  returned 
with  messages,  there  would  be  far  more  mis- 
understanding than  there  is  at  present. 

Moreover,  it  is  a  great  advantage  to  know 
what  is  going  on  in  a  foreign  State  with 
respect  to  all  the  arts  of  peace,  including 


DIPLOMACY.  191 


legislation  and  administration.     How   desir-     CHAP. 

XIX. 

able  it  is,  for  instance,  for  one  nation  to  ' — • — -* 
be  speedily  and  accurately  informed  of  the 
special  laws  and  facts  relating  to  commerce, 
in  another  nation — also  as  to  its  management 
of  infectious  and  contagious  diseases  affecting 
men  or  cattle. 

If  nations  are  kept  in  harmonious  inter- 
course by  means  of  diplomacy,  they  are  per- 
petually borrowing  from  each  other's  wisdom 
and  experience.  An  interchange  of  thought 
between  nations  on  many  of  the  great  sub- 
jects of  human  life  and  endeavour  is  most 
valuable  ;  and  this  interchange  is  best  ac- 
complished through  diplomatic  agents.  The  Vague 

views  of 

traveller's  view  of  any  country  is  apt  to  travellers. 
be  very  vague  and  incomplete,  especially  in 
regard  to  those  subjects  concerning  which 
it  is  most  desirable  that  people  at  home 
should  be  informed.  The  merchant,  even 
if  resident  in  a  foreign  country,  naturally 
takes  but  a  very  limited  view  of  the  gene- 
ral affairs  of  that  country,  his  observations 
being,  for  the  most  part,  restricted  to  those 
matters  which  chiefly  affect  his  own  business. 


192  DIPLOMACY. 


CHAP.     Even  the  consular    agent  has  a  much  nar- 

XIX. 

""^  '  rower  sphere  than  the  diplomatic  agent,  who 
may  be  expected  not  only  to  inform  his  own 
government  of  facts,  but  of  the  view  of  the 
foreign  government  to  which  he  is  accre- 
dited, and  of  the  general  disposition  of  the 
people,  in  "reference  to  those  facts. 

You  do  not  want  to  know  merely  the  laws 

that  have  been  passed  in  any  other  country 

to  avert,  or  control,  any  evil  which  exists  in 

your  own  country,  or  threatens  it.    You  want 

to  know  how  those  laws  have  been  received, 

utility  of    and  whether  they  are  acted  up  to.     If  you 

tion  in        obtained  information  of  this  kind  only  from 

foreign 

countries,  the  foreign  government  itself,  the  informa- 
tion would  justly  be  very  suspect ;  for  no 
government  is  fond  of  speaking  frankly  about 
its  failures.  From  your  resident  diplomatist, 
however,  you  may  learn  not  only  what  has 
been  sought  to  be  done  by  legislation  or 
otherwise  ;  but  what  is  really  effected  ;  and  if 
there  is  any  failure  in  this  respect  there  will  be 
no  scruple  on  his  part  in  giving  you  due  in- 
formation of  its  nature  and  extent,  and  of  the 
reasons,  in  his  opinion,  which  have  caused  it. 


DIPLOMACY. 


193 


The  British  are  the  greatest  travellers  in     CHAP. 

XIX. 

the  world  ;  they  have  the  largest  commercial — -" 

marine  ;  and  they  are  by  far  the  most  vigor-  British 

,  .    .  r         «  r~,  the  most 

ous  and  enterpnzmg  of  colonists.      1  hey  are,  enter- 
therefore,  more  interested  than  the  men  of  colonists. 
any  other  nation  in  learning  all  that  is  going 
on  in  foreign  countries. 

Some  may  say,  that  the  foregoing  are  the 
lesser  uses  of  diplomacy.  It  may  be  doubted 
whether  they  are  the  lesser ;  but,  supposing 
them  to  be  so,  I  think  it  may  be  shown  that 
what  are  called  the  great  objects  of  diplomacy, 
those  which  chiefly  relate  to  peace  or  war, 
are  also  much  facilitated  by  diplomacy,  and 
especially  by  maintaining  the  highest  class  of 
diplomatic  agents  abroad. 

It  must  be  admitted,  that  on  any  occasion  war,  the 
when  war  takes  place,  it  is  the  failure,  though  diplomacy. 
it  may  not  be  the  fault,  of  diplomacy.     Diplo- 
matists must  therefore  be  even  more  anxious 
than  other  men  to  avert  war.     It  is  certainly 
an  advantage  for  the  rest  of  the  world,  that 
there  should  be  a  body  of  men,  for  the  most 
part  highly  cultivated,  and  having-  the  ear  of 

o 


194  DIPLOMACY. 


CHAP.     Courts  and    Cabinets,  whose  main  interests 

Jvl^X.. 

" — T      '  compel  them  to  desire  peace. 

Now,  take  the  most  recent  case  in  which 

diplomacy  has  failed,  and  the  peace  of  the 

A  failure     world  has  been  largely  disturbed.     This  may 

of  diplo- 
macy,        be  owing  to  one  or  other  of  two  causes — or, 

as  is  more  probable,  to  the  two  causes  being 
combined.  Either  diplomacy  failed  to  give 
one  of  the  principal  combatants  a  just  repre- 
sentation of  the  power  that  was  about  to  be 
arrayed  against  him  ;  or  he  and  his  Ministers 
failed  to  give  due  heed  to  the  representations 
of  their  diplomatic  agents. 
Probable  If  I  might  hazard  a  conjecture,  which 

cause. 

neither  I,  nor  anyone  else,  have  the  means  at 
present  of  verifying,  partial  information  was 
given  to  that  Government.  But  the  informa- 
tion in  question  did  not,  perhaps,  fully  convey 
all  that  was  to  be  learnt  about  the  disposition 
of  the  minor  Powers,  and  especially  of  the 
common  people. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  may  be  conjectured 
that  sufficient  attention  was  not  given  to  that 
information  which  was  received.  If,  how- 
ever, in  any  particular  case,  diplomatists  have 


DIPLOMACY.  195 


failed  to  give  all  the  information  which  they    CHAP. 

xix 
ought  to  have  given  ;  or  if  the  suggestions  of  • — - — ' 

diplomatists  have  not  been  sufficiently  at- 
tended to,  it  is  by  no  means  proved  that 
diplomacy  is  useless,  because  it  has  not  been 
made  due  use  of.  * 

There  is  a  very  difficult  and  delicate  matter 
connected   with  diplomacy,  and  that  is,  the  pubiica- 

,  , .  r        , .     «  .  tion  of 

publication    of    diplomatic     correspondence,  diplomatic 
There   is   always    some    danger,    in    a    free  spondence 
country,    of  this  publication  being  made  so 
frequently,  and  so  unreservedly,  as  to  destroy 
much  of  the  benefit  that  might  be  derived 
from  diplomacy.      I  will  give  an  instance  of 
what  I   mean,  which,   though   not  exactly  a 
publication  of  diplomatic  correspondence,  was 
a  transaction  of  a  similar  nature.     It  occurred 
many  years  ago. 

There  was  a  law  proposed  by  the  Home  Sometimes 

~  r  T-i  i  T      injurious. 

Government  for  a  certain  Dependency.  It 
was  a  very  good  law  both  for  the  Depen- 
dency and  for  the  Imperial  Government.  The 
people,  however,  whom  it  was  mainly  meant 
to  benefit,  did  not  receive  the  proposition  in 
a  favourable  manner :  indeed,  were  entirely 

O  2 


DIPLOMACY. 


CHAP,    recalcitrant.     The    Governor  wrote  home  a 

XIX. 

'  '  confidential  letter  to  the  following  effect. 
There  was  no  hope  of  carrying  the  measure 
now,  he  said,  but  he  foresaw  that  in  time 
it  might  be  carried.  He  should  keep  the 
matter  constantly  in  view  ;  and  he  indicated 
various  ways  by  which  he  hoped  in  time  to 
persuade  those  persons  who  were  now  op- 
posed to  the  measure  to  be  reconciled  to  it. 
Certain  correspondence,  connected  with  this 
Dependency,  was  called  for  in  Parliament, 
and  this  letter  was  published. 

The  Governor  soon  after  came  to  England, 
and  did  not  fail  to  express  his  vexation  at 
finding  that  this  confidential  letter  of  his  had 
been  made  public.  The  first  news  he  had 
received  of  its  publication  was  from  his  own 
people,  who  naturally  taunted  him  by  re- 
counting the  means  by  which  he  intended  to 
persuade  them.  Now,  in  no  branch  of  human 
affairs  is  it  very  desirable  to  tell  people 
beforehand  all  the  ways  by  which  you  in- 
tend to  persuade  them  to  consent  to  some- 
thing, even  though  it  may  be  greatly  for  their 
own  interest  that  they  should  consent,  and 


DIPLOMACY.  197 


even  though  your  intended  modes  of  persua-     CHAP. 

A  1  A. . 

sion  may  not  indicate  anything  that  is  wrong  ' • — ' 

or  sinister. 

I  would  guard  myself  from  being  held  to 
maintain,  that  diplomacy  has  never  done 
any  mischief;  but  what  I  do  maintain  is 
that,  upon  the  whole,  it  has  been  greatly 
serviceable  in  preventing,  or  at  least  in  post-  Diplomacy 

.  apreventa- 

ponmg  (and  the  latter  is  no  mean  advantage),  tive  of 
the  commencement  of  hostilities.  Diplo- 
macy does  not  pretend  to  eradicate  human 
passions  and  ambitions,  but  it  tends  to  miti- 
gate their  consequences.  The  main  point  is, 
whether  a  resident  diplomatist  is  not  much 
more  serviceable,  in  this  respect,  than  an  am- 
bassador, according  to  the  ancient  acceptation 
of  the  term. 

There  is  a  notion  among-  some  people  that  The  future 

ofdiplo- 

the  days  of  diplomacy  have  gone  by  ;  but  I 
would  rather  contend  that  there  is  a  brighter 
future  opening  before  it,  and  that,  as  the  world 
grows  wiser  and  better,  diplomacy  will  be 
found  to  be  more  and  more  effectual  in  pre- 
venting, or  postponing,  that  greatest  of  cala- 
mities— war. 


CHAPTER   XX. 

ON  THE  CONDUCT  OF  BUSINESS. 

CHAP.     npHERE  is  very  little  to  be  said  on  this 

xx. 
' — • — *      -A-       great  subject,  which  is  not  essentially 

of  a  commonplace  character.  In  fact,  it  might 
almost  be  written  by  stringing  together  a 
series  of  proverbs.  Men  have  not  been  for 
many  thousand  years  upon  the  earth,  without 
finding  out  their  own  faults,  or  rather  those 
of  other  people,  in  the  common  affairs  of  life, 
and  expressing  their  sense  of  these  faults  in 
pregnant  sentences,  which  have  met  with 
universal  acceptation.  The  worst,  however, 
Proverbs  of  proverbs  is  that,  when  you  have  a  proverb 

to  be  con- 

sidered  in    embodying  one  phase  of  thought,  you  gene- 
pairs. 

rally   want   an    exactly  opposite   proverb  to 

correct  it. 

In  considering  this  subject,  it  will  be  well 
to  take  a  particular  instance,  and  endeavour 
to  work  it  out  thoroughly.  Let  us  suppose 


ON  THE  CONDUCT  OF  BUSINESS.  199 

a  case  of  considerable  magnitude ;  not  of  a    CHAP. 

XX. 

legal  character,  but  into  which  law  enters,  as    — • — 
it   does  into  most  human  affairs  ;  which  in- 
volves  questions   of  general  policy,  and   of  Case  sub- 
administration.     This    case   is   submitted  to  a  Minister, 
a  Minister  by  his  immediate  subordinate. 

The  first  thing  for  the  Minister  to  do,  is  to 
begin  at  the  beginning.  This  of  course  ap- 
pears a  self-evident  remark,  but  it  is  an  essen- 
tial one.  It  will  not  do  for  him  to  be  satisfied 
in  taking  up  any  great  affair  at  a  certain  stage 
of  .the  proceedings,  upon  the  assumption  that 
he  has  a  perfect  account  from  his  subordinate 
of  all  that  has  happened  up  to  that  time.  He 
will  almost  always  have  his  reward  in  begin- 
ning at  the  beginning,  and  keeping  carefully  to 
dates,  which  are  the  backbone,  as  it  were,  of 
every  long  series  of  transactions. 

The  need  for  this  somewhat  laborious  mode  The  study 

of  history. 

of  procedure  may  be  aptly  illustrated  by 
what  often  happens  in  reading  history.  I 
strongly  suspect,  that  when  conclusions  from 
history  are  falsely  drawn,  it  generally  results 
from  the  enquirer  neglecting  his  dates ;  and 
having  present  to  his  mind  numbers  of  facts, 


200  ON  THE   CONDUCT  OF  BUSINESS. 

CHAP,     which  were  not  present  to  the  minds  of  those 

XX 

^ — « — '  who  were  enacting  considerable  parts  in 
history.  The  student,  for  example,  is  aware 
of  what  was  the  ultimate  result  in  history,  of 
some  long  conflict  of  contending  principles 
brought  into  action ;  he  knows  that  Pro- 
testantism ultimately  prevailed  in  this  country ; 
and  does  not  reflect,  that  to  the  promoters  of 
that  great  work,  that  final  result  was  anything 
but  self-evident.  In  few  words,  he  has  not 
the  right  set  of  facts  before  him,  at  the  right 
dates. 

Exactly  a  similar  thing  occurs  in  minor 
matters — in  the  current  business  of  daily  life  ; 
and  therefore  it  is  needful,  not  only  to  begin 
at  the  beginning ;  but  at  each  stage  of  the  case, 
to  consider  what  was  then  the  exact  state  of 
facts,  including  also  the  arguments  that  had 
then  been  brought  forward  on  all  sides. 

References       A    practice,    that   should    be   universally 

and  quota-  -  . 

tions  to  be  adopted  in  matters  of  business  is  not  to  ac- 

verified.  ... 

cept  a  reference,  or  even  quotation,  without 
verification.  In  this  heavy  case,  which  I 
have  imagined  to  be  brought  before  a  Minister, 
reference  will  perhaps  be  made  to  Acts  of 


ON  THE   CONDUCT  OF  BUSINESS.  2O1 

Parliament,   Orders   in  Council,  letters  of  a    CHAP. 

xx 
former  Minister,  and  other  documents.     Not   • — 

only  the  exact  words,  but  the  context,  must 
be  looked  to  in  all  these  references.  It  is  not 
that  men  mean  to  deceive,  but  that  they  are 
terribly  prone  to  inaccuracy,  and  that  in- 
accuracy is  likely  to  be  greatly  increased, 
perhaps  unconsciously,  by  their  own  preju- 
dices and  desires. 

There  then  enters  the  question  of  the  aid,  The  aid 

that  pre- 

and  direction  that  are  to  be  gained  by  ore-  cedent 

affords. 

cedent.  The  aid  that  precedent  affords  is 
not  to  be  despised,  especially  as  all  mankind 
are  apt  to  have  a  great  respect  for  it ;  but, 
at  the  same  time,  it  is  a  power  to  which  no 
man,  who  has  any  faith  in  himself,  will  permit 
himself  to  be  made  a  slave. 

In  the  conduct  of  this  case,  and  in  the  con-  Advice  of 

others. 

elusions  which  the  Minister  will  have  to  arrive 
at,  from  time  to  time  (for  I  imagine  it  to  be 
a  case  of  largeness  and  continuity),  he  will 
probably  not  act  without  the  advice  and 
suggestions  of  others,  especially  his  subordi- 
nates. It  becomes,  therefore,  a  matter  of 
great  importance  for  him  to  understand  the 


202  ON  THE   CONDUCT  OF  BUSINESS. 

CHAP,     general  bent  of  the  characters  of  those  per 

.X..X.. 

sons,  whom  he  must  take  into  council.   Every 

man  has  some  such  bent  ;  and  he  is  seldom, 

Characters  if  ever,  free  from  the  inclinations  of  thought 

of  advisers 

to  be  ai-     which  that  bent  of  character  determines.  One 

lowed  for. 

man  is  nearly  sure  to  take  a  harsh,  or  at  any 
rate  a  severe  view,  both  of  persons  and  of 
conduct.  Being  also  an  accurate  and  pains- 
taking man  himself,  he  is  apt  to  conclude  that 
other  men  (the  men,  for  instance,  involved  in 
this  case)  are  as  accurate  and  painstaking  as 
he  is,  and  will  attribute  to  other  motives, 
those  statements  of  theirs  which  merely  arise 
from  the  ordinary  inaccuracy  of  mankind. 
There  is,  of  course,  the  character  of  an  exactly 
opposite  tendency.  And  indeed,  without 
going  further  into  this  matter,  it  may  be  laid 
down  as  a  maxim  for  the  Minister's  consider- 
ation, that  whatever  he  receives  in  the  way 
of  suggestion  or  comment,  whether  from  a 
colleague  or  a  subordinate,  is  always  to  be 
fined  down,  as  it  were,  by  keeping  in  mind 
the  peculiar  character  of  the  man  by  whom  it 
is  made.  Moreover,  he  can  thus  arrive  at  the 
appreciation  of  an  average  of  thought,  and 


ON  THE   CONDUCT  OF  BUSINESS.  203 

feeling   by   balancing  the  views   of  men  of    CHAP. 
opposite   character.     With  very  few  men  is  ^ — • — ' 
the  dry  light  of  the  intellect  the  only  light 
which  they  look  up  to. 

Doubtless,  too,  the   Minister — or  deciding  Bent  of  his 

"    own  mind 

person — has    to    beware   of    indulging    too  to  be 

guarded 

much  the  bent  of  his  own  character ;  but  against 
here  a  considerable  subtlety  of  observation 
should  enter.  Every  man  should  be  aware, 
that  he  will,  ultimately,  act  in  accordance 
with  the  bent  of  his  character ;  and  therefore 
that  it  is  useless  for  him  to  assume,  by  fits 
and  starts,  another  form  of  character  which 
does  not  belong  to- him.  He  may  resolve  to 
act  in  direct  oppwgnancy  to  what  he  knows 
to  be  the  natural  inclination  of  his  mind,  but 
if  he  does  so,  he  must  do  it  handsomely  and 
consistently,  and  must  not  play  two  differ- 
ent parts,  in  the  course  of  the  same  trans- 
action. 

Then,  in  any  important  case,  of  the  kind  General 

T  .  ,  .    .      .  ,  ,      .    .        considera- 

I  am  supposing,  which  is  to  involve  admims-  tions. 
tration,  there  are  certain  general   considera- 
tions,  as  regards  the  conduct   of   mankind, 
which  should  ever  be  present  to  the  mind  of 


204  ON  THE   CONDUCT  OF  BUSINESS. 


CHAP,     the  man  who  has  to  take  action  in  the  case. 

XX 

*- — '— '  To  enumerate  these  considerations  would  be 
a  lengthy  and  laborious  task  :  it  will  suffice 
to  point  out  two  of  the  most  serious. 

Allowance        In  the  first  place ;  the  administrator  can 

for  indo- 

lence.  hardly  ever  make  too  much  allowance  for  the 
indolence  of  mankind.  Where  his  adminis- 
tration will  fail,  is  in  people  omitting  to  do, 
from  indolence,  that  which  he  supposes  he  has 
given  them  sufficient  means  and  instructions 
for  doing.  Hence,  in  all  matters  of  adminis- 
tration, continuous  supervision  and  inspection 
are  most  needful,  and  as  in  also  great  pre- 
ciseness  of  instruction. 

Fordis-  In  the  next  place,  he  must  calculate  upon 

obedience. 

a  large  amount  of  disobedience,  resulting,  not 
from  wilfulness,  but  from  misunderstanding, 
or  from  the  subordinate  '  thinking/  as  he  is 
pleased  to  call  it,  for  himself,  when  he  has 
received  precise  directions  from  his  superior. 
There  is  one  memorable  instance  of  this  kind, 
The  Duke  which  happened  to  the  late  Duke  of  Wel- 

ofWel-         ,.  . 

lington.  lington.  It  was  in  the  retreat  from  Burgos. 
*  Knowing  the  direct  road  was  impassable, 
he  ordered  the  movement  by  another  road, 


ON  THE   CONDUCT  OF  BUSINESS.  ^0 

. . — f 

longer  and  apparently  more  difficult ;  this  CHAP. 
seemed  so  extraordinary  to  some  general  ' 
officers,  that,  after  consulting  together,  they 
deemed  their  commander  unfit  to  conduct 
the  army,  and  led  their  troops  by  what 
appeared  to  them  the  fittest  line  of  retreat ! 
He  had  before  daylight  placed  himself  at  an 
important  point  on  his  own  road,  and  waited 
impatiently  for  the  arrival  of  the  leading  di- 
vision until  dawn ;  then  suspecting  what  had 
happened  he  galloped  to  the  other  road  and 
found  the  would-be  commanders  stopped  by 
water.  The  insubordination  and  the  danger 
to  the  army  were  alike  glaring,  yet  the  prac- 
tical rebuke  was  so  severe  and  well-timed, 
the  humiliation  so  complete  and  so  deeply 
telt,  that  with  one  proud  sarcastic  observa- 
tion, indicating  contempt  more  than  anger, 
he  led  back  the  troops,  and  drew  off  all  his 
forces  safely.'1 

I  now  come  to  that  which  is  perhaps,  after 
all,  the  most  important  point  in  dealing  with 
this  considerable  case,  which  I  have  imagined 

1  Napier  :  Peninsular  War^  iv.  386. 


2O6  ON  THE   CONDUCT  OF  BUSINESS. 

CHAP,     as  laid  before  a  Minister.     It  especially  relates 

XX 

• — •— '  to  expression,  and  will  illustrate  what  I  had 
in  my  thoughts,  when  I  suggested  that  ex- 
pression should  be  made  one  of  the  main 
objects  of  the  education  of  a  statesman.  The 
particular  form  of  expression,  which  is  now 
wanted  by  my  imaginary  Minister,  is  con- 
cerned with  limitation.  He  will  generally  find, 
that  when  he  goes  wrong  in  the  expression 
of  his  views,  or  his  decisions,  it  is  because 
the  form  of  expression  used  has  been  need- 

,  lessly  wide — in  matters,  too,  where  a  single 

extraneous  word  may  pledge  him  to  actions, 
which  he  has  no  intention  of  undertaking. 
That  the  words  should  exactly  clothe  the 
subject-matter  dealt  with,  is  one  of  the  greatest 
aids  and  safeguards  in  the  conduct  of  all  busi- 
ness, whether  it  appertains  to  the  high  art  of 
statesmanship,  or  to  the  work-a-day  business 
of  the  world. 

Kuies  not        Another  point  to  be  carefully  watched  in 

fused  with    the  conduct  of  business  is,  not  to  confuse  rules 

principles.  . 

with  principles,  and  especially,  that  no  man 
should  needlessly  lay  down  rules  which  may 
hamper  himself.  His  principles  may  be  ever 


O.Y   THE   COXDUCT  OF  BUSINESS.  2OJ 

so  strict:    the  rules  he  lays  down  should  be    CHAP. 

xx. 
very  elastic,  and  certainly  he  should  not  be  ' • — -* 

prone  to  communicate  to  others,  needlessly, 
those  rules  which  he  may  have  instituted  as 
guides  to  himself.  Hence,  in  making  com- 
munications upon  the  subject  of  the  business 
allutied  to,  it  is  seldom  wise  to  say,  'We  Not  to  be 


communi- 


never  do  this,  or  that,  or  the  other — it  is  con-  cated 

.  needlessly. 

trary  to  our  rules,  or  our  practice.  Perhaps, 
in  a  few  weeks  or  months,  there  may  come  a 
case  in  which  it  is  necessary  to  violate  the 
rule,  or  depart  from  the  practice ;  and  then 
there  is  an  appearance  of  lamentable  incon- 
sistency. The  circumstances  and  conditions 
of  life  in  any  community,  where  high  civili- 
zation prevails,  are  so  numerous,  various, 
and  difficult  to  be  imagined,  even  by  men 
of  fertile  imaginations,  that  no  prudent  man 
shuts  himself  up  in  rules  made  by  himself, 
like  a  silkworm  winding  itself  up  in  its  own 
cocoon. 

Then  there  is  the  general  correspondence 
about  the  matter  to  be  considered.  Herein 
there  must  be  much  continuity  of  aim  and 
purpose,  and,  therefore,  clearness  of  expres- 


208  ON  THE   CONDUCT  OF  BUSINESS. 

CHAP.     sion.      If  we  could    trace   up  some    of  the 
xx. 

'  •  '  greatest  errors  to  their  source,  we  should  pro- 
bably find,  that  many  a  decision  which  has 
failed  to  decide,  and  has,  indeed,  failed  to  con- 
vey its  exact  meaning  in  any  way,  has  been 
thus  made  inefficient  by  its  language,  in  some 
of  the  principal  sentences,  being  thorough 

Failure       patchwork  :  designed  by  one  man  ;  corrected 

patch-  by  another ;  revised  by  a  third,  while  some 
little  point,  merely  of  diction,  has  at  the  last 
been  interlineated  by  a  fourth.  The  final  draw- 
ing of  any  important  document  should  be  one 
man's  work,  embodying  the  various  correc- 
tions made  by  other  men's  minds,  but  having 
that  unity  and  force  which  can  only  be  the 
outcome  of  a  single  mind. 

Another  important  point  in  the  transaction 
of  business,  and  especially  in  such  a  case  as  I 

Division     have  been  considering,  is  to  divide  the  sub- 

of  subject 

into  ject-matter  into  several  sections.     One  of  the 

sections. 

chief  arts  in  mastering  any  subject  consists  in 
subdivision.  It  is  an  art  which  presupposes 
the  existence  of  method.  In  a  previous  chap- 
ter on  education,  I  was  able  to  make  only  a 
few  suggestions  as  to  how  this  supreme  effort 


ON  THE   CONDUCT  OF  BUSINESS.  209 

of  division  and  classification,  called  method,    CHAP. 

xx. 
could  be  taught.     It  is  a  thing,  however,  of  ' • — ' 

inestimable  value,  and  must,  somehow  or 
other,  be  acquired  by  any  man  who  has  to 
deal  promptly  with  business  of  much  pressure 
and  magnitude.  Referring  to  the  case  in  ques- 
tion, there  may  be  scores  of  arguments  apply- 
ing- to  different  sections  of  the  case.  If  these  Argu- 
ments of 

arguments  are  left  as  separate  forces,  as  it  respective 

r  sections  to 

were,  and  are  not  brought,  as  a  mathema-  bf  c?n~ 

o  elusions. 

tician  would  say,  to  '  resultants '  in  their  re- 
spective sections,  the  man  who  has  to  decide, 
wanders  about  in  a  jungle  of  unsettled  thought, 
and  is  perpetually  taking  up  his  facts  and  argu- 
ments at  wrong  times,  in  the  course  of  forming 
his  determination.  Whereas,  if  the  various 
facts  and  arguments  had  been  brought  to 
their  conclusions  in  their  respective  sections, 
the  Minister's  labour,  in  coming  to  a  deter- 
mination upon  the  whole  subject,  would  have 
been  almost  indefinitely  facilitated. 

This  supposed  case  has  now  been  con- 
sidered in  much  detail ;  and  it  has  been  shown 
that  there  are  many  ways  by  which  the  labour 
of  dealing  with  it  may  be  lightened,  while 

p 


210  ON  THE   CONDUCT  OF  BUSINESS. 

CHAP,     the  issue  is  rendered  more  felicitous  and  con- 

XX 

- — r— '  elusive.  The  same  methods  which  are  applied 
to  great  matters  of  statesmanship  are,  no 
doubt,  applicable  to  all  kinds  of  business. 

I  shall  conclude  this  chapter  with  a 
remark,  which  also  applies  to  all  kinds  of 
business — indeed  to  almost  all  forms  of 

import-      human  endeavour.      It   is    that  the  indirect 


ance  ot 


tlll^t,     Wi  1  /*  /*  •  1 

indirect     results   of  any  course    of  action  are  nearly 

results,  .  . 

always  the  most  important.  Hence  it  is, 
that  what  we  call  worldly  wisdom  is  so 
difficult  to  attain ;  for  hardly  any  man  is 
sagacious  enough,  or  has  that  breadth  of 
knowledge,  which  would  enable  him  to  see 
all  the  indirect  consequences  of  any  course  of 
action  he  decides  upon ;  although  he  may 
perceive  very  clearly  the  direct  result  of  that 
course. 

For  example,  he  discerns  an  evil ;  he  re- 
Remedies    solves  to  provide  a  remedy  ;  but  the  mode  by 

fraught 

with  great    which  he  does  so  is,  perhaps,  one  which  in- 
indirect 
conse-        directly  shall  be  fraught  with  good  or  evil 

quences. 

consequences,  far  exceeding  in  magnitude 
those  direct  results  that  he  distinctly  fore- 
sees, and  is  resolved  to  accomplish. 


ON  THE   CONDUCT  OF  BUSINESS.  211 

We  may  turn   to   natural   science  for  an    CHAP 

xx. 

illustration.  There  are  rays  of  heat  and  of  N 
actinism,  which  are  not  revealed  by  the  spec- 
trum, but  which  play  a  vital  part  in  the 
operations  of  nature.  The  statesman  who 
does  not  take  note  of  the  probable  conse- 
quences of  his  actions,  other  than  those  which 
are  their  direct  result,  resembles  the  philoso- 
pher who  should  treat  the  visible  light-rays 
as  though  they  were  not  accompanied  by 
other  rays,  for  the  effects  of  which  he  must 
not  fail  to  make  wide  allowance,  and  far-seeing 
calculation. 


P2 


CHAPTER   XXL 


CHAP. 

XXI. 


National 
and  indi- 
vidual 
pros- 
perity. 


Not 
identical. 


IN  WHAT  THE  PROSPERITY  OF  A    NATION 
CONSISTS. 

WHILE  we  are  considering  the  various 
functions  and  modes  of  government, 
it  is  desirable,  from  time  to  time,  to   bring 
back  our  minds  to  a  consideration  of  what 
should  be  the  main  objects  of  government. 

In  the  first  place;  it  must  be  recollected, 
that  the  prosperity  of  a  nation  is  a  thing 
somewhat  different  from  the  prosperity  even 
of  all  the  individuals  who  constitute  it.  To 
begin  with,  there  is  this  main  element  of  dif- 
ference —  namely,  that  the  life  of  a  nation  is 
of  so  much  longer  duration  than  that  of  an 
individual.  It  might  so  happen,  that  a  great 
majority  of  the  individuals,  composing  a  na- 
tion, should  at  any  time  be  singularly  unpros- 
perous  —  should,  indeed,  be  going  through 
a  phase  of  unprosperousness  which  might, 


PROSPERITY  OF  A   NATION. 


after  all,  conduce  largely  to  the  ultimate  wel-    CHAP. 

.A.  A.1 . 

fare  of  the  nation,  and  be,  in  fact,  a  necessary 

form  of  that  nation's  continuous  prosperity. 
It  can  hardly  be  said,  that  the  individuals  of 
a  nation  are  prosperous,  while  it  is  in  the 
agony  of  a  revolution,  and  when  every  peace- 
ful citizen  is  crippled  in  his  resources,  as  also 

in  the  profitable  use  of  his  labour.     But,  for  Revoiu- 

11-  r    i  i  •    tionsinay 

the  ultimate  prosperity   of  the   nation,  •  this  he  neces- 
sary. 
revolution  may  be  absolutely  essential. 

Another   aspect   of  this    matter    may  be 
obtained  by  the  consideration  of  what  takes  A  nation 

of  slaves 

place  in  a  nation,  consisting  chiefly  of  slaves  and  of 

-    ^  slave- 

and  slave-owners.  This  is  a  very  simple  owners, 
form  of  human  society.  It  has  immense 
disadvantages,  as  we  all  know,  in  regard  to 
the  social  relations  of  master  and  man.  But 
it  has  also  another  enormous  disadvantage. 
As  the  great  bulk  of  the  nation  requires  food, 
clothing,  and  habitation  of  the  same  kind  and 
pattern,  the  arts  of  life  must  languish  ;  diver- 
sity of  culture  will  be  wanting  ;  and  skill  in 
artizanship  cannot  be  educed  in  such  a  com- 
munity. No  man,  with  any  foresight,  can  call 
that  a  prosperous  nation,  for  though  there 


214  IN   WHAT   THE  PROSPERITY 

CHAP      may  be  considerable  material  comfort  for  the 
XXL 

* — *—  '  slaves,  as  well  as  the  masters,  that  nation 
must  be  at  the  mercy  of  any  nation  of  free- 
men, simply  because  of  the  diversity  of  pro- 
duct and  of  culture,  which  belong  to  the  one, 
and  are  so  greatly  wanting  in  the  other. 

Now,  I  would  ask  my  readers   to   apply 
their  reflections   on  this  slave  State  to  other 

* 

States,  which  are  not  infested  with  slavery. 
They  will  perceive,  I  think,  how  much  ad- 
vantage is  to  be  gained  by  great  diversity  in 
the  conditions  of  the  various  classes  consti- 
tuting any  State. 

At  the  present  time  there  is  a  dead  set 
made  against  all  privileges,  and  against  any- 
thing which  tends  to  make  diversity  in  rank 
and  fortune  in  the  State.  This  is  the  tendency 
of  what  is  called  the  democratic  movement  of 
Demo-  the  world.  This  democratic  movement  has 

cratic 

movement,  its  origin  in  some  of  the  noblest  aspirations  of 
our  nature ;  but  we  must  take  care  that  it  does 
not  dwarf  the  highest  forms  of  culture  and 
well-being,  while  it  tends  to  raise,  politically 
speaking,  the  lowest  class  of  our  fellow-subjects. 

made  of  it.       We  should  avail   ourselves  of  this   force 


OF  A   NA  TION  CONSISTS.  2 1 5 

to  raise  the  lowest  class  of  the  community,    CHAP. 

XXI. 

but  should  be  very  careful  not  to  make  the  *  ~~^^ 
movement  a  destructive,  instead  of   a  con- 
structive, one. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  if,  having  the  world 
to  deal  with  as  a  new  thing,  we  could  begin 
by  initiating  a  social  system,  which  should 
prevent  all  poverty,  and  protect  all  help- 
lessness, much  might  be  said  in  favour  of 
endeavouring  to  institute  such  a  system.  It  Social 

T  T-»  system  of 

is  manifest,  I  think,  that  the  ancient  Peru-  Penman* 
vians,  under  the  rule  of  the  Incas,  approached 
more  nearly  to  the  adoption  of  that  social 
system  than  any  other  nation  which,  as  far 
as  we  know,  has  ever  appeared  on  the  face 
of  this  earth.  But  even  if  we  had,  with 
our  present  knowledge,  to  begin  again  the 
peopling  of  this  world,  it  would,  still  remain 
somewhat  doubtful,  whether  the  social  system 
indicated  would  be  the  best  one  possible — 
namely,  that  which  would  lead  to  the  highest 
development  of  mankind. 

But  we  must,  in  fact,  look  at  the  world 
as  it  is  before  us — a  world  bearing  on  its  sur- 
face enormous  diversity  of  habitations  ;  great 


2l6  IN   WHAT  THE  PROSPERITY 

CHAP,     variety  of  agriculture ;  various  races  and  or- 

.X,  -X.J . 

**• • — '  ders  of  men  differently  educated ;  in  short, 
a  world  transmitted  to  us,  stamped  with  the 
result  of  all  the  work  of  our  ancestors — work 
intellectual,  moral,  and  physical — and  we  have 
to  make  the  best  of  it.  But  we  shall  fail  in 
doing  so,  if  we  omit  to  take  into  consideration 
those  enlarged  views  for  the  good  of  the 
people  in  general,  which  were  often  sadly 
absent  from  their  labours. 

A  nation  is  really  in  a  hideous  state  of 
difficulty  and  danger,  which  has  its  feet  sunk 
in  the  mire  of  ignorance,  to  use  a  bold  meta- 
phor, while  its  body  is  of  somewhat  noble 
aspect,  and  its  head  may  seem  to  tower 
towards  the  skies.  I  cannot  look  at  its  situ- 
ation as  otherwise  than  one  of  extreme  diffi- 
culty and  of  great  danger.  I  can  no  more 
call  that  a  prosperous  nation,  than  I  could  call 
that  nation  happy,  which  exists  at  a  dead 
level  of  attainment — physical,  intellectual,  and 
moral — and  which  gives  but  little  hope  of  fur- 
ther advancement  towards  the  highest  aims 
of  life. 

There  is  a  great  delusion,  which,  I  fear, 
besets  us  all,  and  which  often  daunts  our  best 


OF  A   NATION  CONSISTS.  217 


hopes  and  noblest  aspirations,  which  delusion    CHAP. 

.A..X.  X. 

is  mainly  fostered  by  an  ill-considered  appli-  ^~ — • — ' 
cation  of  history.  We  are  apt  to  fancy  that 
the  fate  of  a  nation  necessarily  resembles  that 
of  a  single  human  being —  that  it  has  its  boy- 
hood, its  youth,  its  maturity  of  manhood,  and 
its  senility.  I  believe,  that  if  we  were  bolder  The  seve- 

.        .  .  .  ralagesof 

in  our  hopes,  our  aspirations,  and  our  endea-  a  nation, 
vours,  we  should  resolutely  refuse  to  consider 
nations  in  this  limited  manner ;  but  should 
resolve,  that  we  would  consider  the  nation,  to 
which  we  may  belong,  as  capable  of  rein- 
vigo rating  itself  by  returning  to  any  of  the  fore-  They  do 

not  neces- 

mentioned  epochs  of  its  national  life,  to  which,  saniy  tend 

to  deca- 

for  the  time,  it  would  be  most  advantageous  dence. 
to  return.  This  I  admit  is  an  enthusiastic 
view  ;  but  if  many  men  partook  of  it,  it  would 
be  capable  of  being  realized.  Despondency 
and  indolence  are  the  two  main  agents  that 
restrain  the  progress  of  mankind,  both  in 
material  and  in  social  well-being.  Our  en- 
lightenment should  lead  us  continually  into 
reconstruction  of  all  that  is  fruitful — as  well 
as  into  destruction  of  all  that  is  harmful. 

Many  years  ago,  when  elaborate  researches  Dangerous 

classes. 

were  being  made  into  the  condition  of  the 


2l8  IN  WHAT  THE  PROSPERITY 

CHAP,     lowest  classes  in  London,  it  was  stated  that  it 

XXI. 

' — • — '  contained  about  350,000  persons  belonging  to 
what  may  well  be  called  the  dangerous  classes. 
Now,  this  word  'dangerous'  is  not  meant 
to  apply  merely  to  the  politically  dangerous. 
It  is  meant  to  include  those  who,  from  their 
miserable  condition  of  life,  are  dangerous  to  the 
well-being  of  the  State  from  the  means  they 
afford  for  the  promotion  of  disease  ;  ignorance  ; 
crime ;  and  the  example  of  evil  living  of  all 
kinds.  A  State  cannot  be  called  prosperous, 
which  contains  a  very  large  body  in  such  a 
condition  as  I  have  just  described. 
Action  Of  late  years,  however,  not  only  has  our 

British        Government  devoted  itself  to  the  effort  (an 

govern- 

ment.  entirely  new  effort,  by  the  way,  and  the 
highest  duty  of  a  government)  of  ameliora- 
ting the  condition  and  promoting  the  well- 
being  of  its  lowest  class,  upon  which  the  whole 
superstructure  rests,  but  there  have  been 
found  individuals  who,  highly  placed  them- 
selves, have  given  their  lives  and  fortunes  to 
this  same  great  object. 

In  few  words,  the  prosperity  of  a  nation 
consists  in  combining  the  highest  culture — 


OF  A   NATION   CONSISTS.  2IQ 

which   must  always  be  somewhat  connected    CHAP. 

XXI 

with  privilege — with  a  due  consideration  for  ' — ' 

the  lowest  section   of  the  community,  which  Prosperity 

for  ever  deserves,  and  will  amply  repay,  our 

utmost  regard  for  its  well-being.     The  object 

of  statesmen  should  very  much  resemble  that 

of  a  good  schoolmaster,  who,  while  he  keeps 

an  eye  upon  the  most  prominent  and  hopeful 

of  his    scholars,  is  yet  worth  nothing,  as  a 

schoolmaster,  if  he  does  not  care  more  for  the 

far  larger  number,  who  can  only  be  expected 

to  attain  to  mediocrity  of  culture. 

It  would  be  a  sad  thing,  and  in  no  way 
conduce  to  our  national  prosperity,  if  we 
could  only  raise  the  lowest  by  the  depression 
of  the  highest;  and  it  would  be  unwise  to 
ignore  the  danger,  always  to  be  apprehended 
and  guarded  against,  of  the  tendency  to  lower 
the  highest  development  of  a  nation,  by  an 
ill-considered  destruction  of  means,  oppor- 
tunities, and  privileges,  which  would  in  no 
way  promote  the  grand  object  of  raising  the 
lowest  class  to  a  state  of  political  efficiency, 
and  of  unenvious  and  hopeful  well-being. 

In  order  to  consider  my  subject  with  the 


220  IN   WHAT   THE  PROSPERITY 

CHAP,     care  that  it  deserves,  it  is  requisite  to  dwell 

XXI. 

' r~~"  somewhat  upon  the  fate  and  fortunes  of  those 
nations  which  have  distinguished  themselves 
in  the  world's  history,  but  "which  have  sub- 
Decadence  sequently   fallen    into    decadence.     I    doubt 

through 

exhaus-       whether  any  of  the  reasons,  which  have  been 

tion. 

assigned  for  that  decadence,  reach  to  the  real 
cause — the  ca^l,sa  causans,  as  the  metaphy- 
sicians would  call  it.  I  doubt,  for  instance, 
whether  luxury,  or  whether  the  irruption  of 
barbarian  hordes,  has  been  the  true  cause 
of  the  downfall  of  nations.  I  think  it  would 
be  found  in  the  exhaustion  of  hope  and  pur- 
pose— an  exhaustion  to  which  bad  Govern- 
ment must  very  greatly  contribute.  Take 
Rome.  the  Romans  for  instance.  They  had  done 
almost  everything  that  a  nation  could  do  ;  and 
had  done  it  well.  They  had  colonized  ;  they 
had  conquered ;  they  had,  to  a  certain  de- 
gree, assimilated  other  peoples  to  themselves. 
They  had  tried  all  forms  of  government. 
But  there  came  a  time  when  they  became 
hide-bound,  as  it  were ;  and  there  was  a  total 
want  of  hope  and  faith  in  the  nation.  This, 
I  believe,  may  be  perceived  throughout  the 


OF  A   NATION  CONSISTS.  221 


literature  of  the  Lower  Empire.     Men  had    CHAP. 

XXI. 

ceased  to   believe,  that  there  was  anything  ' <~~ 

good  to  be  done  in  respect  of  political  and 
social  life.  And  men  are  so  constituted,  that 
they  cannot  work  well,  or  even  fight  well, 
when  their  minds  are  in  this  state  of  stag- 
nation. 

Now,  there  may  be  a  state  of  stagnation  stagnation 

i   •    i       •  •  i    •  r         1       i  fatal  to 

which  is  not  in  this  way  fatal,  because  it  prosperity 
arises  from  something  which  can  be  removed. 
Take,  for  instance,  the  superincumbent 
weight  of  slavery.  That  may  cause  a  nation 
to  stagnate  as  long  as  it  exists.  But  once  re- 
move it,  or  begin  to  remove  it,  the  ener- 
gies of  the  nation  are  unfettered,  and  it 
springs  up  again  with  renewed  life.  Again, 
take  a  nation  which,  from  some  circum- 
stances, has  not  hitherto  engaged  in  com- 
merce. Let  there  be  an  outlet  made  for 

commercial  enterprise,  and  this  nation  will  Com- 
merce. 
revive.     The    Romans,  however,   had   tried 

everything ;  had  succeeded  to  a  certain  extent 
in  their  various  endeavours,  but  had  not  after- 
wards found  any  new  outlet  for  hope,  en- 
deavour, and  perseverance.  The  fate  of  the 


222  IN   WHAT  THE  PROSPERITY 

CHAP.     Roman  Empire  would,  in  all  probability,  have 

.X..A.-L. 

4 • — '  been  very  different,  and  it  might  have  sub- 
How  the  sisted  for  many  generations  longer,  if  the 
Empire  New  World  had  been  discovered  by  a  Roman. 
been  pro-  The  vast  undertakings,  which  this  discovery 

longed. 

would  have  occasioned,  would  have  infused 
new  life  throughout  the  Roman  Empire,  and 
would  have  given  exactly  that  stimulus,  and 
that  hopefulness,  which  I  hold  to  be  the  main- 
springs of  a  nation's  prosperity. 
Spain  and  In  answer  to  this,  it  will  be  said:  that 

the  New        ^       .        ...  r  ,  p     , 

World.  ^pain  did  not  profit  by  her  conquest  of  the 
New  World.  I  contend  that  she  did  profit, 
and  very  largely,  and  that  the  conquest  of 
the  New  World  was  not  the  cause  of  the  de- 
cadence of  Spain.  That  was  occasioned  by 
far  other  causes.  Any  limitation  of  thought 
in  anything  in  which  humanity  is  deeply  con- 
cerned, is  a  cause  for  decadence  in  a  nation. 
Now,  Spain  with  her  Inquisition,  and  with 
the  continuous  bigotry  of  successive  kings, 
was  limited  in  religious  thought.  The  phy- 
sical result  of  this  limitation  is  most  con- 
spicuous. The  power  of  Spain  broke  itself, 
as  it  were,  upon  the  Protestantism  of  the 


OF  A   NATION  CONSISTS.  22$ 


Netherlands.     The  character  of  the  people    CHAP. 

XXI. 

was  such  as  to  give  the  greatest  weight  to  ' •"-- 

monarchical  institutions,  and  the  greatest 
effect  to  the  character  of  the  reigning  mon- 
arch. The  Spaniards,  from  the  accession 
of  Philip  II.,  in  1556,  to  the  present  time,  Political 
have  been,  with  the  sole  exception  of  tunes  of 
Charles  III.,  exceedingly  unfortunate  in  this 
respect  They  were  also  singularly  unfortu- 
nate in  their  relations  with  other  countries, 
which  had,  notably  in  the  case  of  the  War  of 
Succession,  pretexts  for  interfering  in  the 
internal  affairs  of  Spain.  Doubtless  other 
causes  for  her  downfall  might  be  adduced  by 
anyone  well  skilled  in  Spanish  history ;  but 
I  am  only  concerned,  at  this  moment,  to  show, 
that  the  discovery  and  conquest  of  the  New 
World,  by  Spain,  was  not  the  compelling 
cause  of  its  temporary  decadence ;  and,  cer- 
tainly, I  do  not  know  how  .it  can  be  main- 
tained that  an  increase  of  enterprize,  an 
enlarged  field  for  adventure,  great  addition 
of  material  products,  and  an  immense  exten- 
sion of  commerce  (all  which  good  things 
accrued  to  Spain  by  the  conquest  of  the 


224  IN    WHAT  THE  PROSPERITY 

Indies),  can  be  deemed  to  be  hurtful  to  a 

nation's  prosperity. 
Prosperity        At  the  same  time,  I  must  own,  for  this  is 
rather  than  part  of  my  main  argument,  that  all  these  good 

physical.  .  . 

things  might  exist  in  a  nation  which  yet 
should  be  hastening  to  its  downfall.  For, 
after  all,  I  consider  the  prosperity  we  are 
now  discussing,  to  depend  upon  what  is  men- 
tal and  moral  rather  than  upon  what  is 
physical.  It  is  not  present  prosperity,  it  is 
not  even  growth  ;  it  is,  to  use  a  big  word  of 
which  Dr.  Johnson  was  very  fond,  poten- 
tiality ;  and  we  may  even  recall  a  memorable 
occasion  on  which  he  used  that  word,  which 
will  amply  illustrate  my  present  use  of  it. 
'  We  are  not  selling  a  parcel  of  tubs  and 
vats/  he  exclaimed,  when  he  was  acting  as 
Mr.  Thrale's  executor;  'we  are  selling  the 
Saying  of  potentiality  of  growing  rich  beyond  the  dreams 

Dr.  John-  .... 

son.  of  avarice.      Now  it  is  this  potentiality,  not 

merely  of  growing  rich,  but  of  being  some- 
thing more  or  other,  of  doing  something  more 
or  other,  than  it  has  hitherto  been  or  done, 
which  constitutes  the  essential  and  assured 
prosperity  of  a  nation.  There  should  be 


A   NATION  CONSISTS.  225 


growth,  or  at  least  the   power   of  growth  ;    CHAP. 

^vyvl. 

there  must  be  hope  ;  there  must  be  consider-  "- — • — ' 
able  freedom  of  thought,   and  action,  in  any  Power  of 
nation  that  claims  to  be  considered  prosperous,  essential. 

In  any  endeavour  to  show  in  what  the 
prosperity  of  a  nation  consists,  and  how  the 
decadence  of  nations  has  often  been  precipi- 
tated, it  may  not  be  inappropriate  to  make 

some  allusion  to  the  subject  of  mob-govern-  Mob  go- 
vernment* 
ment      I  suppose   it  will   be  admitted  that 

there  is  no  surer  sign,  if  not  of  the  decadence 
of  a  nation,  at  any  rate  of  the  weakness  of  its 
legislative  government,  than  if  mob-rule  is 
permitted,  though  only  occasionally,  to  prevail. 

I  have  elsewhere  l  described  at  large  what  Danger 

from  it. 

I  think  to  be  the  peculiar  evil  of  a  mob,  and 
the  danger  to  be  apprehended  from  a  mob 
governing.  It  is,  briefly,  that  a  mob  differs  in 
its  composition  from  day  to  day — nay,  from 
hour  to  hour.  It  cannot  well,  therefore,  have 
experience,  or  conscience,  or  consistency  to 
appeal  to. 


Conversations  on   War  and  Culture.     Smith,  Elder 
&  Co.     London,  1871. 

Q 


226  IN  WHAT  THE  PROSPERITY 


CHAP.         The  subject,  however,  which  I  am  going  to 

.A.  -A.!. 

"~  —  •  —  ~*  treat,  is  of  a  much  wider  nature.    It  has  refer- 

ence to  those  principles  and  practices    that 

Principles    lead  to,  and  initiate  mob-government  —  which 

which  lead         ... 

to  mob  principles  and  practices  are  often  encouraged 
by  men  of  considerable  powers  of  thought 
and  understanding. 

As  a  preliminary,  I  would  ask  such  men  to 
consider,  what  a  serious  thing  it  is  to  incul- 
cate principles  which  tend  to  revolutionize  a 
State.  It  is  like  disturbing  virgin  earth,  which 
it  would  take  unknown  ages  to  compress  again 
into  its  original  form.  It  was  not  without 
some  show  of  reason,  that  our  ancestors  de- 
creed the  most  fearful  punishments  for  high 
treason.  Consider  the  labour  of  untold  gene- 
rations, that  has  gone  to  make  a  State,  even  if 
that  State  be  one  which  has  many  faults  of 
government,  and  much  that  requires  to  be 
remedied  or  improved.  There  is  an  admi- 

Passage      rable  passage  in    Montesquieu's    '  Grandeur 


Montes-      des  Remains  '  :   *  C'est  ici  qu'il  faut  se  donner 

quieu. 

le   spectacle   des   choses  humaines.       Qu'on 
The  case     voie  dans  1'histoire  de  Rome  tant  de  guerres 

of  Rome. 

entrepnses,  tant  de   sang  repandu,  tant   de 


OF  A   NATION  CONSISTS.  22 7 


peuples    detruits,    tant   de   grandes    actions,    CHAP. 

Jv.A.1* 

tant  de  triomphes,  tant  de  politique,  de  sagesse,   • — 

de  prudence,  de  Constance,  de  courage ;  ce 
projet  d'envahir  tout,  si  bien  form£,  si  bien 
soutenu,  si  bien  fini,  a  quoi  aboutit-il  qu'a 
assouvir  le  bonheur  de  cinq  ou  six  monstres  ?  ' 

In  this  case,  all  these  labours,  this  thought,  its  dis- 
astrous 
these  sufferings,  went  to  create  the  power  of  a  fate. 

brutal  emperor  ;  but  the  same  thing  may  hap- 
pen in  the  creation  of  the  power  of  a  brutal 
mob. 

Now,  there  are  several  aims  and  principles 
which  tend  to  produce  a  tyrant  power  of  this 
description,  which  aims  and  principles  are 
somewhat  rife  in  the  present  day.  These  Rifeness 

.          .  t       .  of  revo- 

have   been   already   touched   upon,  but   not  lutkmary 

principles 

exactly  with  the  same  object  One  of  them 
is  the  abandonment  of  privilege.  Another  is 
the  endeavour  to  do  away  with  differences  of 
station,  education,  and  position  of  all  kinds. 
Whereas,  it  will  uniformly  be  found  that  the 
highest  civilization  co-exists  with,  and  even 
depends  upon,  the  existence  of  these  dif- 
ferences. A  State  is  never  in  more  danger 
of  some  rude  disturbance,  in  the  way  of 

Q2 


228  IN   WHAT  THE  PROSPERITY 

CHAP,     revolution,   than  when  it    is   composed  of  a 
XXL  r 

*"• •  '  few  classes,  the  circumstances  of  each  being 
Landor.  nearly  similar.  The  eloquent  Landor  says — 
1  The  greatest  power  on  earth,  or  that  ever 
existed  on  earth,  is  the  power  of  the  British 
public  ;  its  foundation  morals,  its  fabric  wis- 
dom, its  circumvallation  wealth.'  But  even 
this  mighty  British  public,  with  all  its  wisdom, 
Its  morals,  and  its  wealth,  is  not  safe  from 
being  imposed  upon  by  ragged  and  dangerous 
ideas,  mainly  put  forward  by  men  of  that 
smallness  of  purview,  and  narrowness  of  sym- 
pathy, that  their  minds  can  only  entertain 
a  few  incomplete  dogmas.  If  you  observe, 
closely,  the  course  of  thought  of  any  one  of 
Men  of  these  fanatical  thinkers,  you  will  mostly  find 

one  idea        .  . 

dangerous,  it  to  be  subjected  to  one  predominant  idea. 
This  one  idea  generally  has  some  plausibility 
in  it,  and  is  nearly  sure  to  be  well  put  forward  : 
for  the  man  who  has  but  one  idea  to  manage, 
can  manage  that  well,  as  he  is  not  troubled"* 
by  inconvenient  exceptions  or  circumscrip- 
tions of  any  kind.  And  so  the  idea  gets 
vogue — especially  among  the  class  that  it  is 
supposed  to  favour— and  then  you  have  the 


OF  A   NATION  CONSISTS.  229 

thinking  in   mobs,  and  the  acting  in  mobs,     CHAP. 

/  xxi 

which  are  so  prejudicial  to  a  State. 

Now,  turning  to  a  very  different  source  of  Perils  from 

misgovern- 

danger,  which  may  end  in  mob-government, 
I  would  remark  that  the  only  weight  which 
socialist  theories  of  the  wildest  kind  intrin- 
sically possess,  is  derived  from  that  mis-go- 
vernment which  has  led  to  such  degraded 
modes  of  existence,  among  the  poorest  of  our 
people,  especially  in  great  cities.  And  yet  I 
should  hardly  say  mis-government,  so  much 
as  absence  of  government — of  that  paternal 
government  which  is  so  much  misappre- 
hended, and  so  much  contemned  by  doctri- 
naires. Government  neglect  leads  to  mob 
interference,  and  perhaps  revolution. 

How  admirable  are  the  words  of  Schiller, 
applied  by  the  poet  to  war,  but  which  are 
applicable  to  all  violence,  whether  of  thought 
or  of  action !  I  subjoin  Coleridge's  transla- 
tion of  the  passage  : — 

My  son  !  of  those  old  narrow  ordinances 
Let  us  not  hold  too  lightly.     They  are  weights 
Of  priceless  value,  which  oppressed  mankind 
Tied  to  the  volatile  will  of  their  oppressors. 
For  always  formidable  was  the  league 


230  IN   WHAT  THE  PROSPERITY 

CHAP.  And  partnership  of  free  power  with  free  will. 

The  way  of  ancient  ordinance,  though  it  winds, 
Is  yet  no  devious  way.     Straight  forward  goes 
The  lightning's  path,  and  straight  the  fearful  path 
Of  the  cannon-ball.     Direct  it  flies,  and  rapid, 
Shattering  that  it  may  reach,  and  shattering  what  it 

reaches. 

My  son  !  the  road,  the  human  being  travels, 
That  on  which  blessing  comes  and  goes,  doth  follow 
The  river's  course,  the  valley's  playful  windings, 
Curves  round  the  corn-field  and  the  hill  of  vines, 
Honouring  the  holy  bounds  of  property  ! 
And  thus  secure,  though  late,  leads  to  its  end. 

As  I  have  said  before ;  differences  of  con- 
dition co-exist  with,  and  probably  tend  to, 
high  civilization.  It  may  seem  inconsistent, 
that  I  should  be  dissatisfied  with  the  differ- 
ence of  condition  indicated  above.  But  here,  as 
elsewhere,  every  maxim  that  is  laid  down  has 
to  be  interpreted  by  the  aid  of  common  sense. 
There  are  differences,  and  differences  of  con- 
dition. The  one  set  wholesome  and  en- 
couraging; the  other  dangerous,  if  not  de- 
structive. 

In  fine,  if  we  wish  to  avoid  the  perils  of 
mob-government,  which  even,  in  a  short  time, 
can  put  back  for  generations  the  hand  upon 
the  dial  of  civilization,  there  is  not  anything 


OF  A   NATION  CONSISTS. 


231 


we  should  more  attend  to  than  counteracting    CHAP. 
the  prevalence  of  those  mischievous  ideas  and  *• — r — ' 
theories  which   tend  to  the  decomposition  of  Prevention 

of  mob- 

a  State — a  thing  so  hard  to  re-compose,  the  govern- 
ment 

result  of  so  much  patience,  of  so  much  endur- 
ance, and,  upon  the  whole,  of  so  much  magna- 
nimity. For  no  great  State  was  ever  built  up 
without  the  toil,  self-sacrifice,  and  renunci- 
ation of  many  noble  persons,  in  many  gene- 
rations. 


APPENDIX. 


SUBSEQUENTLY  to  writing  these  *  Thoughts  upon  Govern-  APP. 
ment,'  my  attentiorf  has  been  drawn  to  a  work  of  Wilhelm 

Von  Humboldt,  defining  the  limits  of  the  action  of  a  Baron 

State.1     I  do  not  know  that  any  other  writer  has  devoted  von  Hum- 


a  whole  work  to  the  consideration  of  this  important  sub- 
ject :   and  the  writer  in  question  was  a  man  of  great 
eminence \  and  of  large  practical  experience.     The  object 
of  the  work  is  indicated  by  the  motto  on  the  Title-page,  object  of 
which  is  taken  from  the  writings  of  Mirabeau  the  elder —      s  work* 
*  Le  difficile  est  de  ne  promulguer  que  des  lois  ne'ces- 
saires,  de  rester  a  jamais  fidele  a  ce  principe  vraiment 
constitutionnel   de  la  societe,  de  se   mettre   en  garde 
contre  la  fureur  de  gouverner,  la  plus  funeste  maladie 
des  gouvernemens  modernes.'2 

Here,  therefore,  if  anywhere,  we  might  expect  to  find 
propositions  laid  down,  which  would  contain  fatal  objec- 
tions to  the  views  which  I  have  put  forward  with  respect 
to  Paternal  Government.  One  of  Von  Humboldt's 

1  //3bccn  ju  etncm  SSerfudj/  bic  ©rdngcn  ber  2Btr!famfeit  beg 
(Stoats  ju  bejlimmen." 

2  Mirabeau  1'aine,  sur  P  Education  publique,  p.  6l. 


234 


APPENDIX. 


APR 


The  citizen 
and  the 
man. 


The  State 
not  to 
influence 
character 
of  the 
nation. 


maxims  is,  that  it  is  a  most  unhealthy  state  of  things 
when  the  Man  is  sacrificed  to  the  Citizen:  the  writer's 
object  being  to  protect,  in  every  way,  the  individual 
action  of  the  Man.  It  may,  on  the  other  hand,  be  fairly 
contended,  that  it  is  an  evil  thing  to  sacrifice  the  Citizen 
to  the  Man. 

The  general  proposition  which  Von  Humboldt  lays 
down  is  as  follows  :  *  that  the  State  must  altogether 
and  absolutely  abstain  from  all  endeavour,  whether  direct 
or  indirect,  to  influence  the  customs  and  the  character 
of  a  nation,  except  in  so  far  as  this  is  unavoidable  from 
a  natural  and  self-originating  consequence  of  its  own 
absolutely  necessary  measures ;  and  that  everything 
which  has  a  tendency  to  promote  this  end,  notably  all 
special  supervision  of  education,  of  religious  institutions, 
or  of  sumptuary  laws,  should  lie  entirely  beyond  the 
limits  of  its  action.' 1 

This  is  a  very  severe  limitation  of  the  action  of  a 
State,  more  especially  as  by  the  words  *  necessary  mea- 
sures '  the  Author  there  means,  as  may  be  discerned  from 
the  context,  only  those  measures  of  legislation  and  ad- 
ministration which  refer  to  matters  of  justice  and  of  war. 

Now  it  should  be  observed  how  even  this  writer, 
whose  main  object  is  to  protect  the  free  action  of  the 
individual,  is  obliged  to  limit  his  own  limitation.  In  a 
succeeding  chapter  he  says,  '  The  State,  indeed,  should 


1  ,,£)afj  bee  @taot  fid)  fd)led)terbing6  atteg  S5effcreben$/  btreft 
ober  tnbtreBt  auf  bte  ©ttten  unb  ben  G>t)ara!ter  ber  Nation  anberS 
$u  ttrirfen,  alg  infofern  bief  al€  eine  narurlicfye/  oon  felbfl  ent* 
ftefyenbe"  $olge  fetner  librtgen  fcfylecfyterbtncjg  notfyroenbigen  SDlaajJ* 
re.eln  unoermeiblid)  ifl,  gdnjltd)  entfyalten  niufie/  unb  bafj  alle§/ 
reaS  btefe  2Cbjtd)t  beforbevn  fann/  oot§ugttd)  aUe  befonbve  #uffid)t 
auf  (Srstefyung/  3ReUgton§anftalten,  SumSgefe^e  u.f.f. 
bet:  (SdjranEen  [einec  SBSir![am!eit  liege." 


APPENDIX.  235 


in  no  wise  provide  for  the  positive  welfare  of  the  citizens,  APP. 
therefore  also  not  for  their  life  and  health — unless,  indeed, 
these  are  threatened  with  danger  by  the  actions  of  others 
— but  certainly  for  their  security.  And  only  in  so  far  as 
this  security  itself  may  suffer,  for  as  much  as  fraud  takes 
advantage  of  ignorance,  could  such  supervision  come 
within  the  sphere  of  action  of  the  State.1 

This  single  exception,  with  regard  to  *  the  actions  of  Energy, 
others,'  appears  to  me  to  justify  most  of  what  I  have  *n^  ^ 
said  respecting  Paternal  Government.     Von  Humboldt  virtue  of 
contends  that  energy  is  '  the  first  and  only  virtue  of  man- 
kind ; '  and  the  reason  why  he  deprecates  governmental 
interference  is  lest  it  should  diminish  this  energy.     But 
still  he  is  compelled  to  make  the  important  foregoing 
exception  to  his  general  proposition. 

The  whole  subject  of  governmental  interference  is  a 
very  thorny  one — very  difficult  to  deal  with  by  exact 
rules  or  principles,  and  rather  requiring  the  application 
of  common  sense  in  each  particular  instance  where  such 
interference  is  proposed.  When  we  consider  the  out- 
rageous interference  with  personal  liberty,  in  those 
matters  wherein  personal  liberty  is  most  required,  that 
has  entered  into  the  legislation  of  most  countries :  when 
we  perceive  how  difficult  it  is  to  get  such  legislation 
repealed,  as  may  be  seen  from  one  notable  instance 
respecting  the  laws  of  marriage  in  our  own  country : 
we  are  almost  inclined  to  adopt  the  strict  limitations 

1  //£)er  Otaat  foil  nemltd)  auf  feine  SBeife  fur  bag  pofitfoe  SQBofyl 
bcr  burger  forgen/  bafyer  aurf)  nid>t  fur  ibr  fieben  unb  ifyre  ©efunb* 
fyett— eg  mujjten  benn  £anblungen  anbrer  ifynen  ©efatjr  broken— 
aber  roofyl  fiir  ifyre  ©idjerfjdr.  Unb  nur/  infofern  bte  <3i*erfyeit 
felbft  fetben  tann/  inbem  SSetrugerei  bte  UmtriJTenfyeit  benu$t,  frwnte 
etne  fold)e  ftufficfyt  innerfyalb  bee  ©r&njen  bee  SSMrJfamfeit  beg 
itegen." 


236  APPENDIX. 


A  PP.       proposed  by  Wilhelm  Von  Humboldt.      On  the  other 

— T — ' 

hand,  when  we  fully  perceive  what  enormous  benefits  to 
the  public  may  accrue  from  the  restriction  of  liberty,  as 
regards  those  '  actions  of  others '  which  are  noxious  to 
the  welfare  of  the  community,  we  are  prone  to  call  loudly, 
sometimes,  perhaps,  too  loudly,  for  governmental  inter- 
ference. 

Von  Humboldt,  as  quoted  above,  has  said  that  'energy 
is  the  chief  virtue  of  mankind.'  These  general  statements 
about  virtues  or  vices  can  seldom  be  absolutely  admitted. 
But  if  one  were  obliged  to  make  any  statement  at  all 
about  them,  it  might  perhaps  be  more  truly  said,  that 
indolence  is  the  chief  vice  of  mankind  and  moderation 
the  principal  virtue — at  any  rate  the  virtue  which  is  most 
rarely  practised.  To  avoid  this  vice  and  cultivate  this 
virtue,  are  the  two  things  mainly  required  in  order  to 
deal  justly  and  wisely  with  this  great  matter  of  inter- 
ference, on  the  part  of  the  State,  in  behalf  of  the  public 
welfare. 


INDEX. 


ABO 

ABOLITION  of  offices,  183 

—  of  sinecures,  128 
Abuse  of  honours,  84 
Act,  local,  58 

Act  of  Parliament,  147 

—  working  of  a  good,  149 

—  inoperative,  154 

Action  of  the  British  Government, 

218 
t— of  a  State,  233 

—  of  others,  235 

—  of  American  Senate,  44 
Administration  and  legislation,  35, 

165 

Adulteration  of  drugs,  30 
Advantages  of  local  government,  5 1 

-  Advice  of  lawyers,  177 

—  of  others,  a  minister  acting  with, 

201 
Affection,    State  not    going  wrong 

from  excess  of,  24 
Age,  limitations  as  to,  69 

—  of  transition,  125 
Agents,  value  of  good,  55 

—  choice  of,  69 

—  trusting,  180 
Ages  of  a  nation,  217 

Aids  to  government,  2,  14,  61,  96 

•  Ambassadors,  origin  of,  189 
Ambition,  an  evil,  153 


BRI 

Ambition,  cause  of  misplaced,  155    " 
American  Senate,  44 
Americans,  a  governable  people,  8    " 
Anglo-Saxon  race  very  critical,  144 
Anxiety  of  Ministers  to  make  good 

appointments,  75 
Apology  of  Plato,  10 
Applause,  absence  of  public,  80 
Appointments,  making  good,  75 
Argumentation,  power  of,  122      A*- 
Aristophanes.   The  Peaceful  Citizen, 

25 

Art,  advancement  of,  2,  22 
Authority,  central,  57,  59 
—  local,  57 

Author's  claims  for  being  heard,  3 
Average  of  thought,  202 
'Avid  of  tacts,'  Talleyrand,  134 


BACON,  Lord,  101 

Benevolence  of  certain   employers, 

159 
Bent  of  one's  mind  to  be  guarded 

against,  203 
British,  easy  to  govern,  8 

—  moderate  in  rebellion,  9 

—  cautious,  9 

—  not  envious,  16 

—  constant,  16 


238 


INDEX. 


BRI 

British,  critical,  17 

—  tolerant,  17 

—  averse  to  extremes,  17 

Boar,  fable  of  the  troublesome,  84 
Boards,  102,  103,  183 
Broom,  economy  about  a,  181 
Buckhounds,  master  of  the,  77 
Bureaucracy,  fear  of  a,  28 


^  CABINETS,  sinecures  in,  127 

Captains  of  industry,  37 
"-Care,  practical,  in  choice  of  men,  74 
—Case  submitted  to  a  Minister,  199 
Causa  causans,  a,  220 
Cauticn,  British,  9 
Caveat  emptor,  27,  30 
*""  Central   authority,    imperial  nature 

of,  57 

~~  —  what  it  really  is,  59 
-^  —  inspecting,  not  superseding,  local 

authority,  57 
~~  Chairman,  choice  of  a,  102 

—  Chamber,  a  second,  38 

—  defects  of  a  single,  40 

—  De  Tocqueville  on,  43 

*-~  Character  of  advisers  to  be   consi- 
dered, 202 

—  China,  competitive  examinations  in, 

62 

Citizen  and  the  man,  234 
Coleridge's  translation  of   Schiller, 

229 

Colonial  affairs,  dealing  with,  22 
Colonies,  knowledge  of,  144 
Colonists,  British  the  best  of,  193 

—  in  Parliament,  47 
Commerce,  221 

Commercial   enterprise,  outlet  for, 

221 

Commune  of  Paris,  42 
Communications,  to  the  press,  172 


DAN 

Communications  unnecessary,  168 
Competitive  examinations,  62 

—  adopted  in  China,  62 

—  advantage  of,  63 

—  inefficiency  of,  63 

—  motives  for,  67 

1 —  example  of  an  opposite  system,  77 
-^Compromises,  17 
Conclusions  of  author  mostly  apply 

to  Great  Britain,  5 
Condition  of  lower  classes,  146 
Conduct  of  majorities,  1 1 
•^Conservatives,  first  opinion  on  Am- 
bassadors, 189 
•-Constitution,  of  a  Department,  174 

—  of  the  Privy  Council,  109 

—  George  III.  on  British,  6 

—  M.  Guizot  on  British,  18 

"|"  Correspondence,    publishing   diplo- 
matic, 195 
Council,  Privy,  109 
Councils,  various,  43 

—  use  of,  96 

—  two  kinds  of,  97 

—  special  nature,  98 

—  tendency  of  representative,  98 

—  advantages  to  be  derived  from, 

99 

—  characteristics  of,  loo 

—  fatigue  in,  101 

—  choice  of  chairman  for,  102 

!  —  sections  should  interchange  du- 
ties, 103 

—  special  utility  of,  105 
Counsellors,  ex  officio,  104 

—  'multitude  of, '97 
Criticism,  37,  62,  123 

—  British,  17 


DANGEROUS  classes,  their  number, 
217 


INDEX. 


239 


DEB 

Debating  societies  of  some  use,  139 
Decadence  of  nations,  220 

—  of  Rome,  220 

—  of  Spain,  222 

Defence  of  a  Department,  49 
Definition,  of  a  State,  true,  132 
Democratic  agency,  158 

—  movement,   use  to  be  made  of, 

214 

Departments  not  to  be  sacrificed  to 
Parliament,  165 

—  defence  of,  49 

—  attachment  to,  49 

—  origin  of  some,  114 

—  officers  in  a,  174 

—  extra  officers  for  a,  1 70 

—  intellectual  power  of  a,  1 73 
Despondency,  217 

Details,  love  of,  134 

—  mastery  of,  133 

De  Tocqueville's   opinion  on  a  se- 
cond Chamber,  43 
Detrimental  honours,  91 
Development  of  opinions,  13 
Diplomacy,  188 

—  a  new  thing,  188 

—  failure  of,  194 

—  failure  of,  a  cause  of  war,  193 

—  a  preventative  of  war,  197 

—  the  future  of,  197 
Diplomatic     correspondence     pub- 
lished, 195 

Disobedience  to  be  allowed  for,  204 
Distrust,  false  economy,  180 
Division  of  labour,  21 
Doctrinaire,  17,  125,  229 
Double-first,  the,  75 
Drugs,  adulteration  of,  30 


ECONOMY,  political,  2 
—  false,  178 


FOR 
Economy,  alse,  a  disaster,  178 

—  a  plausible  thing,  178 

—  broom,  181 

—  private,  181 

—  true,  182 

Eckermann's     conversations     with 

Goethe,  reference  to,  12 
-Education  of  statesmen  never  ends, 

142 

- —  special,  of  a  statesman,  133 
Electors  and  elected,  95 
Energy,  the  first  and  only  virtue  of 

mankind,  235,  236 
Examinations,  non-competitive,  77 
Ex-offido  counsellors,  104 
Experience  not  always  in  the  form  of 
reason,  4 

—  of  a  minister,  150 
Experienced  men,  76 
Expression,  power  of,  135 

—  national  power  of,  136 

—  includes  logic,  136     -<~— 

—  an  art  to  be  cultured,  136 

—  includes  method,  136 

—  want  of,  obvious  to  all,  137 
Evils,  political,  created,  94  __ 


FABLE  of  the  cuckoo  and  eagle, 

85 

—  troublesome  boar,  85 

—  king  and  counsellors,  86 

—  wandering  tribe  of  Thibet,  87 
Failure  through  patchwork,  208 
False  economy,  disastrous,  1 78 

—  a  plausible  thing,  178 

—  a  case  of,  179 

Fanatical  thinkers,  dangerous,  228 
Fatigue  in  councils,  101  — -» 
Fluellen,  saying  of,  59 
Foresight  needed,  125 

—  very  rare,  125 


240 


INDEX. 


FOR 

Foresight,    not  to  be  confined  to 

statesmen,  128 

—  benefits  resulting  from,  130 
• —  in  regard  to  panics,  131 
— Fraternal  government,  34 
Free-trade,  12 

Friendship  between  officials,  50 
Functions  of  government,  I 


GAS  WORKS  in  large  cities,  19 
Generosity,  177 

George  III.'s  opinion  of  British  con- 
stitution, 6 

—  and  the  Irish  baron,  83 
Girondins,  the,  129 

Glass  hive,  government  like  bees  in 

a,  176 
Goethe  on  minorities,  12 

—  a  saying  of,  40 

*  Gdld  lends  mighty  force,'  89 
Good     appointments,     anxiety    to 

make,  75 
Government,  its  functions,  I 

—  aids  to,  2,  14,  61,  96 

—  interference,  20,  26 
central,  57 

—  relations  with  the  press,  172 

—  organizing  skill  required  in,  121 

—  working  of  British,  176 

—  mob,  231 

—  paternal,  23 

—  perils  from  bad,  229 

—  fraternal,  34 

—  local,  51 
Gravina,  132 

Grandeur  des  Remains,  226 
Grievances  to  be  dealt  with  singly, 

151 

Gui/ot's,   M.,  opinion  of  England, 
18 


INT 

HALLAM  on  the  Privy  Council,  1 10 
Health  ought  to  be  the  care  of  go- 
vernment, 32 
Hereditary  peers,  45 
History,  high  use  of,  129 

—  study  of,  199 

—  how  statesmen  should  study,  135 
Honours,  conferred  rightly,  83 

—  a  case  of  abuse,  83 

—  not  less  wanted  as  civilization  ad- 

vances, 84 

—  bestowal  of,  from  fear,   favour, 

riches,  age,  89 

—  detrimental,  90 

—  how  not  to  be  used,  91 

—  recently  conferred  on  civil  ser- 

vants, 

—  Napoleon  on,  84 
House  of  Lords,  44  -"""" 

—  defects  of,  44 

—  proposed  reforms  for,  45 
Human  affairs,  interest  in,  to  be  cul- 
tivated early,  141 


IMPERIAL  interests  must  outweigh 

popular  clamour,  147 
Improvement,   in  contrast  with  re- 
form, 152 

Improvements  in  London,  1 56 
Improvers,  scope  for,  154,  160 
Indirect  results,  importance  of,  210 
Indolence,  allowance  for,  to  be  made, 

204 

Inferiors,  choice  of,  79 
—  dependence  on,  78 
Infirmity  of  noble  minds,  160 
Information  for  the  press,  172,  175 
Intellects,  Machiavelli's   classifica- 
tion of,  1 06 

Intellectual  power  of  Departments,- 
173 


INDEX. 


24l 


INT 
Intellectual   powers   of    the   public 

press,  171 
Interference,  government,  20,  26 

—  just  and  necessary,  27 

—  danger  from  too  little,  29 

—  cases  unfit  for,  31 

—  limits  of,  35 

—  on  behalf  of  workpeople,  32 

—  on  behalf  of  purchaser,  31 
Inquisition  in  Spain,  222 
Interviews,  personal,  desirable,  74 


JOBBERY,  67 
—  fear  of,  73 
Johnson,  Dr.,  37,  224 
Justice,  love  of,  139 


KING  George  II I. 's  opinion  of  Bri- 
tish Constitution,  6 ;  making  an 
Irish  baron,  83 

—  Louis  XV.,  130 

—  and  his  counsellors,  fable  of  the, 

85 
Knowledge  of  class  views,  147 

—  of  facts,  1.34 
Kriloi's  fable,  84 


LABOUR,  division  of,  21 
Landor,  228 
Lawyers'  advice,  177 
Legislation  and  administration,  35, 

165 

Letters  addressed  to  a  minister,  163 
Life  peerages,  45 
Limits  of  interference,  35 
Local  Act,  58 
Local  authority,  not  superseded  by 

central  authority,  57 
Local  government,  51 


MIS 

Local   government   forms  adminis-  \ 
trators,  51 

—  occupies  restless  spirits,  52 

—  brings  classes  together,  52 

—  teaches  difficulties,  52 

—  higher  classes  should  take  part 

in,  53 

—  advantages  of,  54 

—  limits  of,  54 

Local  knowledge,  advantage  of,  66 

Lois,  V esprit  des,  132 

London,  need  of  improvement  in, 

156 

Lords,  House  of,  44 
Louis  XV.,  130 
Love  of  detail,  134 
Lower  classes,  condition  of,  146 


MACHIAVELLI'S  classification  of  in- 
tellects, 106 
Majorities,  10 

Majority,  general  obedience  to,  15 
Massing  of  population,  20 
Mastery  of  details,  133 
Meetings,  public,  145 
Minister  absorbed  in  work,  126 

—  critics  of,    often   impracticable 

126 

—  need  for  less  work,  127 

—  education  of,  133 

—  case  submitted  to  a,  199 
Minister's  experience,  150 

—  knowledge  mostly  official,  143 

—  time,  161 

—  private  letters,  163 

—  holidays,  167 

Ministers  in  Parliament,  164    — 
Minorities,    Goethe's    opinion    on, 

12 

Mire  of  ignorance,  216 
Misgovernment,  peril  from,  229 


242 


INDEX. 


MIS 
Misunderstanding,  a  cause  of  quarrel, 

190 
Mob -government,  225 

—  danger  from,  225 

—  principles  which  lead  to,  226 
-  preventative  of,  231 

Montesquieu,  132,  226 
Moor,  Schiller's,  8 1 


NAPIER,  quotation  from,  205 
Napoleon  I.  on  honours,  84 
Nation  of  slaves  and  slaveowners, 

213 
National  prosperity,  212,  219 

—  age,  217 

—  decadence,  220 
New  world,  222 


OCCASION,  errors  concerning,  39 
Occasion,  not  opportunity,  41 
Offices,  abolition  of,  183 
Opinions  of   George    III.    on    the 
Constitution,  6 

—  of  De  Tocqueville  on  the  same, 

43 

—  of  Goethe  on  minorities,  12 

—  Guizot  on  England,  18 

—  Napoleon  I.  on  honours,  84 

—  development  of,  13 

—  Von  Humboldt  on  paternal  go- 

vernment, 233 
Organizing  minds,  71 

—  should  be  sought,  123 
Organization,  skill  in,  115 

—  not  a  gift  peculiar  to  any  race,  1 1 6 

—  of  a  Department,  1 74 

—  want  of,  at  entertainments,  118 

—  want  of,  at  railways,  119 

—  its  importance,  1 20 

—  not  teachable,  1 20 


POI 

Organization  wanted  in  government,  - 

121 

—  powers  of  argumentation  and,  122 
Organizer,  qualities  of  a,  116 
Origin  of  some  departments,  114  ^, 


PANICS,  131 
Paris,  the  commune,  42 
Parliament  impeding  good  govern- 
ment, 36 

—  questions  in,  36,  168 

—  seats  in,  93,  94 

—  colonists  in,  47 

—  conduct  ®f  a  Bill  in,  169 
Parliamentary  influence,   abuse  of,  • 

68 
Party,  political  and  press,  153 

—  names,  153 
Patchwork,  208 

Paternal  government,  23,  233 

—  good  policy,  24 

—  its  limits,  24 

—  prevents  revolution,  32 

—  to  be  welcomed,  33 

—  Von  Humboldt  on,  233 
Peaceful  citizen,  the,  25 
Pecuniary  tests,  70 
Peerages,  life,  45 

—  hereditary,  45 

—  special,  45 
People,  voice  of  the,  14 

—  massing  of,  20 

—  not  guided  by  press,  143 
Permanent  officers,  48  "~ 
Personal  interviews,  74 
Peruvians,  social  system  of,  215 
'  Philip  drunk,'  41 

Pitt  in  Parliament,  169 

—  and  Wolfe,  72 
Plato's  Apology,  10 
Poisons,  sale  of,  30 


INDEX. 


243 


POL 
Political  economy,  2 

—  misfortunes  of  Spain,  223 

—  officers,  48 

—  evils  created,  94 
Pope,  quotation  from,  6 
Popular  ideas,  146 

•  Powers  of  organization  and   argu- 

mentation, 122 
•  '  Prave  ords,'  59 
Precedent,  its  value,  201 
Press,  powers  of,  171 

—  alliance  with  a  party,  171 

—  relations   of,    with    government, 

172 

—  literary  power,  very  great,  1 74 
Primary  tests,  66 

'Prince,'  quotation    from   Machia- 
velli's,  107 

•  Private  Secretaries,  184 
Privileges,  214 

r  Privy  Council,  109 

—  its  constitution,  no 

—  Hallam  on  the,  no 

—  not  concerned   with   any   party, 

ill 

—  sub-departments  of,  113 

—  powers  of,  112 

—  high  utility,  112 

—  suggestions  for  the  improvement 

of,  113 

•  Promotion,  79 

-Property,   a  creature  of  the  State, 

22 

Prosperity,  of  a  nation,  219 

—  moral  rather  than  physical,  224 
Proverbs,  to  be  considered  in  pairs, 

198 
Public,  meetings,  145 

—  working  of  British  government, 

I76 

—  should  reserve  opinion,  175 

—  applause,  absence  of,  80 


REF 

Public  speaking,  92 
Publication  of  diplomatic  correspon- 
dence,  195 


QUACKS, '158 
Qualifications  for  Peers,  46 
Questions  in  Parliament,  36,  168 
Quotations    from     Coleridge's 
'Schiller,'  229 

—  De  Tocqueville,  43 

—  Eckermann,  12 

—  F  Esprit  des  Lois,  132 

—  Goethe,  12,  40,  89 

—  Grandeur  dcs  Romains,  226 

—  Guizot,  18 

—  Hallam,  no 

—  Johnson,  Dr.,  37,  222 

-  Krilof,  84 

—  Landor,  228 

—  Machiavelli's  '  Prince,'  107 

—  Mirabeau,  233 

—  Montesquieu,  132,  226 

—  Napier,  205 

—  Pope,  6 

-  Ralston,  W.,  84 

—  Schiller,  81,  229 

—  Shakespeare,  59 

—  Talleyrand,  134 

—  Taylor,  Sir  H.,  79 

—  Von  Humboldt,  233 


RACE,  organization   not  a  peculiar 

gift  of  any,  116 
Railways,  want  of  organization  at, 

119 
References   and   quotations    to    be 

verified,  200 

Reformer,  efforts  of  a  young,  26 
Reforms  proposed  for  the  House  of 
Lords,  45,  46 


244 


INDEX. 


REP 
Representative     council,    tendency 

of,  98 
Representatives   in   foreign     lands, 

value  of,  192 
Revolution  necessary  at  times,  16, 

213 

—  principles  of,  rife,  227 
Rewards,  for  services,  183 

—  for  private  secretaries,  184 

— hope  of,  should  always  be  held 
open,  185 

—  evils  of  narrow  system  of,  92 
Ridicule,  a  safeguard,  29 
Right  placing  of  men,  71 
Rome,  220 

—  how  its  empire  might  have  been 

prolonged,  222 

—  its  fate,  227 
Routine,  mill  of,  122 

—  like  miller  and  his  men,  128 
Rules  and  principles,  206 

—  not  to  be  made  heedlessly,  207 


SANITARY  matters,  55 

—  powers,  59 
Scheele's  green,  32 
Schiller's  Moor,  8 1 

—  on  war,  229 

Scott,    Sir   Walter,    his    justice   to 

opposite  factions,  9 
Seal,  putting  a,  to  fame,  93 
—  Seats  in  Parliament,  93 
\  —  excessive  demand  for,  94 
Second  Chamber,  38,  40,  43 
Secretaries,  private,  184 
^Senate,  American,  action  of,  44 
Service,   best,  how  to  be  obtained, 

1 86 

Shadow,  jumping  off  one's  own,  40 
Sinecures,  usefulness  of,  127 

—  abolition  of,  128 


TES 

Skill  in  organization,  1 20,  121 
Slaves  and  slave-owning  States,  213 
Slowness,  a  fatal  defect,  76 
Social  system  of  Peruvians,  215 
Socialists,  aim  of,  32 
Societies  for  debating,  of  some  use, 

139 

Socrates'  speech,  10 
Spain  and  New  World,  222 

—  political  misfortunes  of,  223 
Speaking,  the  art  of,  138 

—  in  public,  chiefly  rewarded,  92 
Spirits,  restless,  work  for,  52 
Stagnation,  fatal  to  prosperity,  221 
State,  true  definition  of  the,  132  — 
Statesman,  special  education,  133 

—  'avid  of  facts,'  134 

—  should  study  history,  135 

—  expression  requisite  for,  136 

—  much  isolated,  142 
Stateman's  knowledge,  mostly  offi 

cial,  143 

Study  of  history,  199 
—  how  statesmen  stand,  135 
Sub-departments  of  Privy  Council, 

H3 

Subjects   for  government    interfer- 
ence, 20 
Sun's  rays,  21 1 
Supervision,  ridiculous,  181 


Talmla  Rasa,  155 

Talleyrand,  134 

Taxation,  knowledge  required  for, 

M7 
Taylor,   Sir    H.,    reference  to    his 

'Statesman,'  79,  133,  135 
Telegram  from  Paris,  42 
Tenure  of  property,  22  — 
Tests,  primary,  66 
—  pecuniary,  70 


INDEX. 


245 


THI 

Thinking,  204 
Time,  error  respecting  it,  39 

—  of  ministers,  1 6 1 

—  more,  wanted  for  office  work,  165 

—  needed  to  master  facts,  1 66 
Timidity,  aided  by  good  chairman, 

102 

—  in  a  council,  97 
Transition,  age  of,  125 
Travel,  English  liking  for,  144 
Travellers,  vague  views  from,  191 
Tribe,  the   wandering,    fable  of,  87 

-Trust,  in  agents,  1 80 

—  necessary  to  vigorous  action,  38 

UNDER-SECRETARIES,  48,  174 
VALUE  of  good  agents,  53 


YEA 

Value,  Napoleon's,  of  Ney,  61 

—  of  precedent,  201 

—  of  representatives  abroad,  192 
Verification,  200 

Voice  of  the  people,  14 
Von  Humboldt,  233 


WAR  prevented  by  diplomacy,  197 

—  caused  by  failure  of  diplomacy,. 

193 

—  preparations  for,  131 
Waterworks,  20 
Wellington,  Duke  of,  204 
Whist  proposed  as  a  test,  64 
Wolfe,  Pitt's  choice  of,  72 


}   YEARS  of  discretion,  23 


AN 


FINK 


OVERDUE. 


